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Call for Applications: 'Maps for Making Change' - Using Geographical Mapping Techniques to Support Struggles for Social Justice in India
http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change
<b>Deadline: 20 November 2009.
Maps for Making Change is a two-month project specifically designed for activists and supporters of social movements and campaigns in India. It provides participants with an exciting opportunity to explore how a range of digital mapping techniques can be used to support struggles for social justice. It also allows you to immediately develop and implement in practice a concrete mapping project relevant to your campaign or movement, with full technical support. Interested in joining us? Send in your application by 20 November 2009. </b>
<p align="justify"><em><strong>Background</strong> </em></p>
<p align="justify">Most of us think of maps as representations of territory. But have you ever wondered why <em>bastis</em>, slums, unauthorised colonies and monuments of minorities and poor people rarely are given prominence on maps – or at times are even absent altogether? All too often only seats of power, such as big hospitals, the colonies of the rich and diplomatic missions, receive detailed mention. This is because maps simultaneously also function as representations of relations of power and control: which places, communities, historical monuments, townships, colonies and roads are highlighted on a map reflects the power and control that various communities and classes possess or lack. In modern times, this is particularly obvious in planning processes, which incorporate maps as crucial tools in villages and cities alike. To challenge the practice of privileging the powerful on maps, and to create maps from the margins and of margins, therefore has emerged as an important aspect as well as a tool of our fights against injustice in society.</p>
<p align="justify"><em><strong>Maps for Making Change</strong></em></p>
<p align="justify">Today, with the emergence of new technologies such as GPS and the Internet, mapping techniques have advanced beyond the confines of professional cartographers and can be mobilised and used to fight for social justice by anyone with an interest in maps. Are you someone concerned with the state of social justice in the country today? Are you working closely, as an activist or a supporter, with a campaign or social movement? Are you interested in exploring how digital geographical mapping techniques might help facilitate or support your advocacy and awareness raising campaigns and understanding of the power relations in society? Perhaps you already have some ideas on how maps can fit into your work, but you require technical support to put these into practice? Then this is for you.</p>
<p align="justify">Maps for Making Change is a two-month project that will provide you with the opportunity to explore how mapping can be used to support your campaigns, struggles and movements to fight against injustice. It is jointly organised by the Centre for Internet and Society (Bangalore) and the Tactical Technology Collective (Bangalore and London), and brings together activists and technologists. Over the course of the project, participants will:</p>
<ul><li>
<p align="justify">explore and share ideas about the possible uses of geographical maps within the context of campaigns and movements in India;</p>
</li><li>
<p align="justify">try out a range of mapping tools and get training and support in the creation and use of maps;</p>
</li></ul>
<ul><li>
<p align="justify">develop and implement your own mapping project, involving the creation and use as well as dissemination of maps, relevant to your campaign's or movement's advocacy and goals.</p>
</li></ul>
<p align="justify"><em><strong>Format</strong></em></p>
<p align="justify">Maps for Making Change will take the form of three workshops, with time in between each for participants to work on a mapping project of their choice. The first workshop will take place in Delhi on 3 December, and will be an introductory event, where tools and tactics will be explored and discussed and participants can determine the nature of the information they need to collect to implement their own mapping project. The second workshop will take place over 3 days during the first week of January (exact dates and location to be decided), and will involve actual work on mapping projects, using data and other resources collected by participants in the intervening time. The third workshop will be a two-day event during the first week of February (exact dates and location to be decided), and will be the time for participants to provide overall feedback, as well as to do the final touches on the projects and launch them. Not only during the workshops, but throughout the two-month project period, and at every stage of the development of your project plan, technical support will be available to help participants make your ideas a reality.</p>
<p align="justify">The organisers will cover travel and accommodation expenses of those who are selected to participate in the project. There is no participation fee. By applying, applicants commit themselves, however, to devoting the necessary time to this project. Where relevant, an organisational commitment to allow you to do this would also be required.</p>
<p align="justify"><em><strong>Who should apply?</strong></em></p>
<p align="justify">This is an event for activists and supporters of movements and campaigns based in India. Preference will be given to applicants that intend to use the project directly for their work within a campaign or movement. Applications are welcomed from individuals, but also from groups of people who are working within the same campaign or movement and who would like to develop and implement a mapping project together. Those who have been centrally involved in designing and implementing communication strategies of campaigns and movements are particularly encouraged to apply, but such a role is not at all a prerequisite to be part of Maps for Making Change. Participants from appropriate backgrounds who simply want to explore the technology and its uses without immediately implementing it will be welcome in so far as space allows.</p>
<p align="justify">We would like to also encourage applications from students who are involved with campaigns or movements and who would like to learn these skills so as to use them in their advocacy efforts. Students will be provided with special assistance during the programme.</p>
<p align="justify">All participants should have some familiarity with computer use. While more advanced technology skills are useful, they are not essential: technology support will be provided as required for all participants to ensure that everyone completes their own mapping project.</p>
<p align="justify">Regretfully, we will be able to accommodate translation only from Hindi to English and vice versa, so applicants will need to be comfortable with either of these languages.</p>
<p align="justify"><em><strong>How to apply</strong></em></p>
<p align="justify">Please answer the questions below in Hindi or in English. You do not need to write long responses (up to 300 words max), but please provide us with enough information to understand your involvement in and commitment to campaigns or movements for social justice, as well as your skills and interest. We also would like to know why you want to be part of the Maps for Making Change project and what are some of the contributions (of whatever kind) you could make to it.</p>
<p align="justify">You can send your answers by email to <a href="mailto:mapsforchange@cis-india.org">maps4change@cis-india.org</a>, or by post to:</p>
<div align="justify" class="visualClear">Maps for Making Change</div>
<div align="justify" class="visualClear">c/o Centre for Internet and Society</div>
<div align="justify" class="visualClear">No. D2, 3rd Floor, Sheriff Chambers</div>
<div align="justify" class="visualClear">14, Cunningham Road</div>
<div align="justify" class="visualClear">Bangalore 560052</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;" class="visualClear"> </div>
The last day for applications is 20 November 2009. Early applications will make us very happy though! :)<em><strong><br /><br />Application Questions:</strong></em>
<p> </p>
Please provide answers to all the following questions.
<p align="left">1) Basic personal information:</p>
<ul><li>
<p align="left">Name:</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">Gender:</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">Date of birth:</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">Nationality:</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">Affiliation/organisation:</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">E-mail address (if available):</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">Telephone and emergency contact number(s):</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">Preferred language of communication:</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">Veg/non veg:</p>
</li><li>
<p align="left">Anything else we should know about you (allergies, medical condition, special needs):</p>
</li></ul>
<p align="left">Are you applying individually or as part of a team? If as part of a team, please provide the names of the other team members here;</p>
<p align="left">2) Where are you from, where do you live now, and what is your current movement/organisational affiliation (movement/organisation you work with, its mission, position you have within it, is your organisation a non-profit, etc.)?</p>
<p align="justify">3) What is your wider experience of working with campaigns or movements for social justice? What kinds of initiatives have you been involved in? What kind of responsibilities have you taken up within these?</p>
<p align="justify">4) Have you been involved with any technology projects for non-profit organisations or campaigns or movements for social change? If so please briefly explain your experience (what worked, what didn't, what did you like, what not, etc?) and your role within the project. If you haven't been involved with such a project, please explain why you are interested in exploring the use of technology for social change.</p>
<p align="justify">5) Why are you interested in joining Maps for Making Change in particular? How can you and your movement/organisation benefit from your participation?</p>
<p align="justify">6) Do you already have an idea in mind that involves using maps for social change and that you would like to develop into a project that can support the work of the campaign or movement that you are involved with? If so, please explain.</p>
<p align="justify">7) To help us better understand the kind of technical support we will need to provide during Maps for Making Change, please describe your current technical expertise and ability.</p>
<p align="justify">8) All participants are encouraged to teach as well as to learn. What kind of contribution to the group's learning do you think you could make?</p>
<p align="justify"><strong>If you require more information about the project or about the application process, please email us at <a href="mailto:mapsforchange@cis-india.org">maps4change@cis-india.org</a>, or call us at 080 4092 6283.</strong></p>
<p align="justify">Looking forward to hearing from you!</p>
<p align="justify">The Maps for Making Change Team</p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change'>http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaDigital ActivismPracticeWorkshopResearchers at WorkMaps for Making Change2015-10-05T15:04:12ZBlog EntryMaps for Making Change Kicks Off, and You Can Get Involved!
http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change-kicks-off-and-you-can-get-involved
<b>A first in India, Maps for Making Change explores the use of geographical mapping techniques to support struggles for social justice in India. On 3 December, the project officially kicks off during a one-day workshop in Delhi. But even if you can not be there with us in Delhi, there are ways to get involved. </b>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change-kicks-off-and-you-can-get-involved'>http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change-kicks-off-and-you-can-get-involved</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaDigital ActivismPracticeWorkshopResearchers at WorkMaps for Making Change2015-10-05T15:03:39ZBlog EntryMaps for Making Change Wiki Now Open to the Public
http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change-wiki-now-open-to-the-public
<b>Since December 2009, CIS has been coordinating and nurturing the Maps for Making Change project, organised in collaboration with Tactical Tech. During the past four months, participants have been on a challenging yet fertile and inspiring journey that is now slowly coming to an end. Would you like to know more about what has happened in the time that has passed? The Maps for Making Change wiki is a good place to start.</b>
<p>Since December 2009, CIS has been coordinating and nurturing the Maps for Making Change project, organised in collaboration with Tactical Tech. Maps for Making Change provides a select group of activists and supporters of movements and campaigns for progressive social change in India with an opportunity to collectively debate ànd explore in practice the potential of digital mapping as a tool to support their work. </p>
<p>Over the months, the project's wiki has turned into a rich resource that reflects the challenging yet fertile and inspiring journey participants have made in the course of this project. The wiki contains detailed information about the project and individual participants' projects-within-the-project, as well as resource persons' profiles, workshop schedules and links to facilitator's presentations. In a separate section, there are links to a range of resources on mapping for social change more generally - including 'how to' guides, inspiring examples and mapping tools that are available for free. </p>
<p>If you would like to know more about what has happened in Maps for Making Change over the past four months, do therefore go and have a look – the link to the wiki is:</p>
<p><a title="http://maps4change.cis-india.org" class="external text" href="http://maps4change.cis-india.org/" rel="nofollow">maps4change.cis-india.org</a></p>
<p> </p>
<p>And if you know of others who might be interested, do of course feel free to pass on the word!</p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change-wiki-now-open-to-the-public'>http://editors.cis-india.org/advocacy/other-advocacy/maps-for-making-change-wiki-now-open-to-the-public</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaPracticeResearchers at WorkMaps for Making Change2015-10-05T15:05:06ZBlog EntryTheir India has No Borders
http://editors.cis-india.org/news/their-india-has-no-borders
<b>Bangalore felt far for them, they would mark it outside the country. India, for migrant labourers, is different from the India we know</b>
<p>To 30-year-old Shankar, a
migrant worker in Bangalore who came from Jharkhand, Mumbai is near
West Bengal and Bangalore is in the North-East. If someone were to
travel to Mumbai by Shankar’s map of India, he would land up in Kolkata.</p>
<p>Shankar’s map was part of an
installation art show that concluded in the city on Wednesday, showing
the maps of India as seen by migrant workers in Bangalore. The
installation was a 14ft-by-18ft space enclosed with asbestos sheets.
Wires crisscrossed the tiny room, and from the wires hung maps of
India, drawn according to the perceptions of the migrant workers.</p>
<p>Shankar
is only one among thousands of migrant workers in Bangalore who have a
very different perception of where the cities where they work are
located. Their India is a world away from the maps of India that
educated Indians know of. It has none of the directions, orientation or location of places as we know it.</p>
<p><strong>Start Thinking</strong></p>
<p>“We want Bangaloreans to stop
and think about migrant workers, who live amongst us,” says Ekta. Along
with Yashaswini and Paromita, she spoke to 70 migrant workers on Old
Madras Road before tracking their journeys on the maps. While Ekta has
founded Maraa, a collective that looks at art and culture in the public
domain, Yashaswini and Paromita are independent film makers.</p>
<p> “Our
perception of location is meaningless to migrant workers,” says Ekta.
For them, locations, distances and directions are all very different
from the true picture. Their ideas of places are all drawn from their
lives, as they travel from city to city to earn their livelihoods, she
adds.</p>
<p>For instance, if Assam was westwards from his home, a
migrant worker would mark it in West India. And if Bangalore felt far
for him, he would mark it outside the country. Borders hardly came in
the way and distances are measured by the time spent in a journey,
including train delays and stopovers at transit points, they say.</p>
<p>When
the workers say long distances or far way, they mean places such as
Jharkhand, Bihar, Nepal, Punjab, Andhra, and North Karnataka.</p>
<strong>India in a Room</strong>
<p> </p>
<p>While
they work here, their families are in villages back home, even as far
away as Nepal. Many workers live in asbestos shanties that are as small
as 10ft by 10ft. They live huddled within the small space, creating a
mini India right here in Bangalore, says Ekta. Spluttering rai (mustard
seeds) mingle with the smell of Andhra chutneys in a room adorned with
photos of Amritsar’s Golden Temple in the same tiny space.</p>
<p>As
the group spoke to the workers, the latter also shared their stories of
the weather, people, smells, cultures, personal, nostalgic and
fantastical, of places — by their memories of what they saw, felt and
remembered. They go beyond the geo-political maps of India and present
a new, spatial experience of places.</p>
<p>The project is part of a
workshop called Maps for Making Change, which was started by Centre for
Internet and Society, to examine ways of using maps to help social
causes.</p>
<p>Read the original in <a class="external-link" href="http://www.bangaloremirror.com/index.aspx?Page=article&sectname=News%20-%20City&sectid=10&contentid=201004292010042904535369081298296">Bangalore Mirror</a></p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/news/their-india-has-no-borders'>http://editors.cis-india.org/news/their-india-has-no-borders</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaPracticeResearchers at WorkMaps for Making Change2015-10-05T15:08:36ZNews ItemPublic Event: Exploring Maps for Making Change
http://editors.cis-india.org/events/public-event-exploring-maps-for-making-change
<b>The Centre for Internet and Society, in collaboration with Tactical Tech, would like to invite you to 'A Conversation on Maps for Making Change - Using Geographical Mapping Techniques to Support Struggles for Social Justice in India', at the Centre for Internet and Society in Bangalore.</b>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><strong><br /></strong></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><strong>When
a migrant labourer draws a map of India, what does it look like? Can
maps prove a correlation between corporate investment and Operation
Green Hunt in Chhattisgarh? </strong></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">For
the past five months, twenty five activists, researchers, artists and
techies have explored together, as part of the Maps for Making Change
project, the potential of geographical mapping techniques to support
struggles for social justice in India. As Maps for Making Change
comes to an end, they would like to share with you their journey,
their thoughts and their work, and to enter into a conversation with
a much wider group of people about the potential and challenges of
mapping for social justice now that new
technologies can in theory be mobilised to fight for social justice
by anyone with an interest in maps, but in practice remain confined
to the hands of a privileged few.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><strong><br /></strong></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><strong>Join
us:</strong></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><em><strong>from
4 pm onwards</strong></em>, for an exhibition that allows you to explore
the work of Maps for Making Change participants through
installations, websites, conversations, information, video, ... and
maps.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><em><strong>from
5 pm to 5.30 pm</strong></em>, for refreshments.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><em><strong>from
5.30 pm onwards</strong></em>, for a panel discusion which our panelists
will kick off by sharing some of their own reflections and comments
on mapping for social justice, to open up the conversation to a much
broader discussion with all those present in the audience.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Panelists:</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Reuben
Jacob, Inclusive Planet</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"> Shakun
Mohini, Vimochana</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"> Shubhranshu
Choudhary, Knight International Journalism Fellow and Community
Media Activist</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><em>For
more information, please contact Anja Kovacs, Centre for Internet and
Society: 98 11 74 72 12, <a href="mailto:anja@cis-india.orgO">anja@cis-india.org</a>.
Or check out the Maps for Making Change wiki:
maps4change.cis-india.org.</em></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><strong>Looking
forward to seeing you at CIS on 28 April!</strong></p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/events/public-event-exploring-maps-for-making-change'>http://editors.cis-india.org/events/public-event-exploring-maps-for-making-change</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaRAW EventsPracticeResearchers at WorkEventMaps for Making Change2015-10-24T14:19:32ZEventSecond Maps for Making Change Workshop: Using Geographical Mapping Techniques to Support Struggles for Social Justice in India
http://editors.cis-india.org/events/second-maps-for-making-change-workshop-using-geographical-mapping-techniques-to-support-struggles-for-social-justice-in-india
<b>The second workshop of the Maps for Making Change project will take place at the National Institute of Design in Ahmedabad, from 1 until 3 February 2010. The workshop will allow a select group of activists and supporters of social movements and campaigns in India to start developing digital maps that they can use in their advocacy work, under the expert guidance of international digital mapping rights activists, Indian mapping experts, design professionals and techies with an interest in activism. The workshop is organised by the Centre for Internet and Society and Tactical Tech, in cooperation with MediaShala at NID. </b>
<p>
<strong>The
aims of the workshop are to: </strong></p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<ul><li>
<p align="LEFT">explore
in depth tools and techniques for mapping</p>
</li><li>
<p align="LEFT">assist
participants in starting to develop their own maps in the context of
the projects that they have suggested</p>
</li><li>
<p align="LEFT">help
participants identify important design concerns and elements of
their project that require attention at an early stage if they are
to communicate effectively</p>
</li></ul>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"><strong>By
the end of the workshop, the participants will be able to:</strong></p>
<ul><li>
<p align="LEFT">identify
which mapping tools best suit their project</p>
</li><li>
<p align="LEFT">identify
additional data required to complete their mapping project</p>
</li><li>
<p align="LEFT">make
informed choices about issues relating to privacy, licensing, etc</p>
</li><li>independently continue to develop their own maps using the tools they have explored during the workshop<br /></li><li>
<p align="LEFT">
apply
core concerns of information design to their mapping project to
maximise its effectiveness and impact</p>
</li></ul>
<p> </p>
<p><strong>The provisional programme of the workshop is as follows:</strong></p>
<p><strong>Monday 1
February </strong></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"><strong>Time</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"><strong>Session</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">8.00–10.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">Breakfast
and registration at NID</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">10.00–10.45</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Welcome
and introductions (icebreaker) - Anja Kovacs & Kate Morioka</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">10.45–11.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Opening
plenary - Lars Bromley:</p>
<p align="LEFT">“Mapping
the truth: how geo-technologies are uncovering human rights
violations and injustice”</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">11.30
– 1.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Morning
Session - MediaShala team:</p>
<p align="LEFT">“Information
Design: the art of making campaigning messages visually
compelling”</p>
</td>
<td>
<br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">1.00
– 2.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Lunch</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">2.15
– 3.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Project
Time - All:</p>
<p align="LEFT">revising
project scope based on morning sessions (audience, purpose,
objectives)</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">3.15
– 4.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Afternoon
'Lab' Sessions (choose ONE)</p>
<p align="LEFT">Elective
1. Using Google Maps for Social Activism - Henry Addo</p>
<p align="LEFT">Elective
2. Mapping with Open Layers- Alagesa Pandian</p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">4.30
– 5.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">Break</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">5.00
– 6.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Elective
1. Advanced GIS- Lars Bromley</p>
<p align="LEFT"> Elective
2. GPS Basics - Hardeep Singh Rai, with Arky and Sajjad</p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">6.15-6.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">Evening
Circle - Anja Kovacs</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">6.30
– 7.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Free
Time / Knowledge Sharing @ Speakers' Green</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">7.30
– 9.00</p>
<p align="LEFT">(open
invite)</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Film screening: “10 Tactics: Turning Information into
Action” - Kate Morioka.</p>
<p align="LEFT">This film produced by Tactical Tech explores how rights advocates around the world have used information and digital technologies to create change. </p>
</td>
<td>
<br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">9.00
– 10.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Dinner </p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p> </p>
<p><strong>Tuesday 2
February</strong></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"><strong>Time</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"><strong>Session</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">7.30
– 9.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">Breakfast
(Hotel)</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">9.00-9.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Morning
Circle - Anja Kovacs</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">9.30
– 11.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Guest
Speakers</p>
<p align="LEFT">“The
experiences of Ushahidi” - Henry Addo</p>
<p align="LEFT">“An
Introduction to Open Street Maps for Activism” - Mikel Maron (online)</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">11.30
– 1.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Participatory
mapping process and techniques - Kate Morioka</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">1.00
– 2.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Lunch</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">2.15
– 4.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">Project
Time - All:</p>
<p align="LEFT">identifying methodology and technical implementation of
participants' mapping projects</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">4.00
– 5.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Break/
Knowledge Sharing @ Speakers' Green</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">5.00-6.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Elective
1. Google Earth for Advocacy - Henry Addo</p>
<p align="LEFT">Elective
2. An Introduction to Open Street Maps - Hardeep Singh Rai</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">6.15-6.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Evening
Circle - Anja Kovacs</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">6.30
– 7.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Free
time</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">7.30
– 9.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Exploring
the Ahmedabad Markets</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">9.00
– 10.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Dinner
at Vishala</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p><strong><br /></strong></p>
<p><strong>Wednesday 3
February</strong></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"><strong>Time</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"><strong>Session</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">7.30
– 9.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT">Breakfast
(Hotel)</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">9.00-9.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Morning
Circle - Anja Kovacs</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">9.30
– 11.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Panel
Discussion</p>
<p align="LEFT">“To
Map or Not to Map: Issues of privacy, licensing and other
rights-related concerns”</p>
<p align="LEFT">Followed
by a group discussion</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">11.15
– 11.45</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Break</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">11.45
– 1.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Introduction
to GIS and remote sensing for human rights advocacy - Lars Bromley</p>
</td>
<td>
<br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">1.00
– 2.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Lunch</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">2.15
– 3.45</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Project
Time - All</p>
<p align="LEFT">time to work on individual projects and obtain feedback from
fellow participants and facilitators</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">3.45-4.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Break</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">4.15
– 4.45</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Closing
Plenary - Pratyush Shankar</p>
<p align="LEFT">“Reflection”</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">4.45
– 5.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Evaluation - Madhuresh Kumar</p>
<p align="LEFT">Briefing
on the next workshop - Anja Kovacs</p>
<p align="LEFT">Close - Anja Kovacs and Kate Morioka</p>
</td>
<td>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT">Assistant
Facilitators: Arky Ambati and Sajjad Anwar</p>
<p align="LEFT">Technical
Assistance: Kiran (Jace) Jonnalagadda</p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"><strong>VIDEO</strong></p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<p align="LEFT"> </p>
<iframe src="http://blip.tv/play/AYLW3hkA.html" frameborder="0" height="250" width="250"></iframe><embed type="application/x-shockwave-flash" src="http://a.blip.tv/api.swf#AYLW3hkA" style="display:none"></embed>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/events/second-maps-for-making-change-workshop-using-geographical-mapping-techniques-to-support-struggles-for-social-justice-in-india'>http://editors.cis-india.org/events/second-maps-for-making-change-workshop-using-geographical-mapping-techniques-to-support-struggles-for-social-justice-in-india</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaRAW EventsPracticeWorkshopResearchers at WorkEventMaps for Making Change2015-10-05T15:09:51ZEventThird Maps for Making Change Workshop: Using Geographical Mapping Techniques to Support Struggles for Social Justice in India
http://editors.cis-india.org/events/third-maps-for-making-change-workshop
<b>The third and final workshop in the Maps for Making Change project will take place at Visthar, in Bangalore, from 26 until 28 April. During this workshop, participants will fine-tune and polish their maps; explore ways to connect with broader movements and disseminate their maps among target audiences; and reflect on their own experiences so as to distill learnings that can help us decide where to go from here. While participation in the workshop is closed, the workshop will end with a public event at the CIS office on 28 April, from 4 pm onwards, open to everybody (more information to follow soon). If you, too, share our interest in mapping for social change, then do join us there.</b>
<p><strong>The
aims of the workshop are to: </strong></p>
<ul><li>
<p>give
participants an opportunity to fine-tune and polish their maps, with
the assistance of others where needed, so that they can be shared
with a wider audience;</p>
</li><li>
<p>explore
campaigning tools and strategies for disseminating the maps produced
among target audiences, including other movements and activists;</p>
</li><li>
<p>distill
the learnings participants have made from this project, both
individually and as a group, and prepare a plan to build upon these
in the future.</p>
</li></ul>
<p><strong>By
the end of the workshop, participants will be able to:</strong></p>
<ul><li>
<p>make
informed decisions about every step of the design and implementation
process of a mapping project.</p>
</li></ul>
<p><strong>Also,
participants and organisers will be able to:</strong></p>
<ul><li>
<p>identify
the political and ethical challenges of mapping, in particular as
they apply for social justice in India;</p>
</li><li>
<p>understand
better the particularities of online activism and ways in which it
can connect better with activism on the ground in the country;</p>
</li><li>
<p>apply
their knowledge of mapping to other campaigns and movements in India
and function as a point of contact for other activists for a network
of activists using maps for making change.</p>
</li></ul>
<p><strong>The preliminary schedule of the workshop is as follows:</strong></p>
<p><strong>Monday 26 April</strong></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td>
<p><strong>Time</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><strong>Session</strong></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>9.00-10.00</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Registration at
Visthar</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>10.00-11.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Welcome and
introductions (icebreaker)</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>11.00-1.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>90 Seconds: Where are
we with our projects (and what do we need to achieve during this
workshop)?</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>1.00-2.00</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Lunch </em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>2.00-3.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Building partnerships
between techies and activists: what is required? (debate and
discussion)</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>3.30-3.45</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Tea/coffee Break</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>3.45-5.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Project time as per
participants' needs (which can relate to technical issues, design,
hosting, ...)</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>5.00-6.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Afternoon
'Lab' Sessions (CHOOSE ONE):</p>
<p>Elective
1. Hosting and creating websites and embedding maps</p>
<p>Elective 2. Technology
and Security Concerns for Activists</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>6.15-6.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Evening Circle</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>6.30-7.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Free Time</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>7.30-8.30</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Dinner</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>8.30-10.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Screening
of Swagat Sen's film on the second workshop and social gathering</p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p><strong><br /></strong></p>
<p><strong>Tuesday 27 April <br /></strong></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td>
<p><strong>Time</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><strong>Session</strong></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>8.00-9.00</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Breakfast </em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>9.00-9.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Morning Circle</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>9.30-11.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Maps as agents of
change – uses and challenges (including in terms of how to
connect with movements on the ground)</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>11.00-11.30</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Tea/coffee Break </em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>11.30-1.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Communication and
campaigning strategies to take mapping outcomes forward to broader
audience, both online and offline (poss. Incl. Use of creative
media)</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>1.00-2.15</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Lunch</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>2.15-4.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Project time as per
participants needs</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>4.00-4.30</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Tea/coffee break</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>4.30-5.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Evaluating Maps for
Making Change</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>5.15-6.15</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>What next?</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>6.15-6.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Evening Circle</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>6.30-7.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Free Time</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>7.30-8.30</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Dinner</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>8.30-...</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Social
evening</p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p> </p>
<p><strong>Wednesday 28 April</strong></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td>
<p><strong>Time</strong></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><strong>Session</strong></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>8.00 – 9.00</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Breakfast</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>9.00 – 9.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Morning Circle</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>9.30-12.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Finalise preparations for
public event (project work or other, eg slides on loop etc)</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>10.30-11.00</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Tea/coffee Break </em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>11.00-12.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Finalise preparations for
public event (cont.)</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>12.30-1.30</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Lunch</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>1.30-2.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Travel to CIS</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>2.00-4.00</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Set
up the public event</p>
<p> </p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>4.00-7.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Public event (with a
discussion from 5.30 onwards)</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p><em>7.30-9.00</em></p>
</td>
<td>
<p><em>Dinner (venue to be
decided) + workshop evaluation</em></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>9.00-9.30</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Return to Visthar</p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>
<p>9.30-...</p>
</td>
<td>
<p>Great-working-with-you-guys Party
at Visthar</p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><br /></td>
<td><br /></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p> </p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/events/third-maps-for-making-change-workshop'>http://editors.cis-india.org/events/third-maps-for-making-change-workshop</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaRAW EventsPracticeWorkshopResearchers at WorkEventMaps for Making Change2015-10-05T15:10:23ZEventA Comment on the 2009 IGF Draft Programme Paper
http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/a-comment-on-the-2009-igf-draft-programme-paper
<b>The Centre for Internet and Society is part of a broad group of civil society actors that submitted a comment on the Draft Programme Paper of the fourth Internet Governance Forum (IGF), taking place in Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt, in November 2009. The IGF is a forum for multistakeholder policy dialogue on Internet governance issues. The comment decries the complete absence of attention for Internet Rights and Principles in the agenda as it stands as of today, and this despite repeated requests from a wide range of stakeholders to make this theme a central one. All stakeholder groups were invited to submit their comments on the Draft Programme Paper of the 2009 IGF to the IGF Secretariat by 15 August.
</b>
<p align="justify">The comment submitted
reads as follows:</p>
<p align="justify"><strong>Re:
IGF Draft Programme Paper, August 2009</strong></p>
<p align="left">We,
the undersigned would like to express our surprise and disappointment
that Internet Rights and Principles was not retained as an item on
the agenda of the 2009 IGF in any way. Although this topic was
suggested as a theme for this year's IGF or for a main session by a
range of actors during and in the run-up to May's Open Consultations,
this widespread support is not reflected in the Draft Programme
Paper, which does not include Internet Rights and Principles even as
a sub-topic of any of the main sessions. The WSIS Declaration of
Principles, 2003, and the Tunis Agenda, 2005, explicitly reaffirmed
the centrality of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to an
inclusive information society. To make these commitments meaningful,
it is of great importance that a beginning is made to explicitly
building understanding and consensus around the meaning of Internet
Rights and Principles at the earliest. We recommend that the Agenda
of the 2009 IGF provide the space to do so.</p>
<p align="justify"><strong>Signatories:</strong></p>
<p>Centre
for Internet and Society, Bangalore</p>
<p>Association
for Progressive Communications </p>
<p>IP
Justice <br /></p>
<p>Bytesforall, Pakistan<br /></p>
<p>Instituto
Nupef, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil</p>
<p>Jacques
Berleur</p>
<p>Ginger
Paque</p>
<p>Fouad
Bajwa</p>
<p>Milton
L Mueller</p>
<p>Willie
Currie</p>
<p>Michael
Gurstein</p>
<p>Jeanette
Hofmann</p>
<p>Eric
Dierker</p>
<p>Jeffrey
A Williams</p>
<p>Charity
Gamboa, chairperson Internet Governance Working Group, ISOC
Philippines </p>
<p>Ian
Peter</p>
<p>Tracy
F. Hackshaw</p>
<p>Shaila
Rao Mistry, Internet Rights and Principles</p>
<p>Lee
W McKnight</p>
<p>Jeremy
Malcolm</p>
<p>Tapani
Tarvainen</p>
<p>Shahzad Ahmad, ICT Policy Monitors Network<br /></p>
<p>Carlos
Afonso</p>
<p>Dina Hovakmian</p>
<p>Rui
Correia<br /></p>
<p>Lisa Horner</p>
<p>Deirdre Williams<br /></p>
<p>Jaco
Aizenman<br /></p>
<p>Nyangkwe Agien Aaron<br /></p>
<p>Siranush Vardanyan, Armenia<br /></p>
<p>Kwasi
Boakye-Akyeampong<br /></p>
<p>Linda D. Misek-Falkoff</p>
<p>Baudouin
Schombe<br /></p>
<p>Stefano Trumpy</p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/a-comment-on-the-2009-igf-draft-programme-paper'>http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/a-comment-on-the-2009-igf-draft-programme-paper</a>
</p>
No publisheranjainternet governance2011-08-02T07:15:14ZBlog EntryThe ICANN-US DOC 'Affirmation of Commitments' - A Step Forward?
http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-icann-us-doc-affirmation-of-commitments-a-step-forward
<b>On 30 September 2009, ICANN (Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers) signed an Affirmation of Commitments (AoC) with the US Government's Department of Commerce. For those of us who are concerned that the Internet should serve the global public good, is the new arrangement a step forward? An assessment. </b>
<p>On 30 September 2009, ICANN signed an Affirmation of
Commitments (AoC) with the US Government's Department of Commerce.
ICANN is the not-for-profit public-benefit corporation that
coordinates the Internet's naming system. The Affirmation has been
widely hailed for the loosening of US-ICANN ties that it implies.
The unilateral control that the US exercised over the organisation
had for long been criticised in various quarters as inappropriate for
a – by now - global resource such as the Internet. A central
instrument of this control was constituted by the reviews that the
US's NTIA (National Telecommunications and Information
Administration) would conduct of the organisation, based on which the
country's Department of Commerce would rework and renew its contract
with ICANN. With the signing of the AoC, reviews will henceforth be conducted by panels to
be appointed by the Chair of ICANN's Board of Directors, as well as
the Chair of the Government Advisory Committee (GAC) in consultation
with the other members of the GAC. Since the Affirmation of
Commitments is of long standing – unlike earlier Memoranda of
Understanding, which had a limited validity – and since the US has
demanded for itself a permanent seat on only one of the four panels
that the AoC institutes, the US has indeed given up significant
amounts of the control that it wielded over the organisation so far.</p>
<p>A clear step forward? Well, not
necessarily – and in many ways it is too early to tell. Because
while the denationalisation of ICANN was high on many stakeholders'
agenda, so was the strengthening of ICANN as an accountable tool for
global governance. And where the latter is concerned, the AoC falls
sorely short. Although ICANN likes to posit itself as an
organisation rooted in communities, where policy is developed from
the bottom up, this wonderfully democratic discourse stands in rather
ugly contrast to the quite questionable practices that are all too
frequently reported from the organisation (the rather stepsisterly
treatment meted out to noncommercial users in ICANN in recent times,
for example, immediately comes to mind [1]<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote1anc" href="#sdfootnote1sym"></a>).
At the root of this contradiction seems to lie the fact that, while
ICANN may be a public interest organisation on paper, in practice it
is heavily dominated by large businesses, in particular those
US-based, who seem to be willing to go to considerable lengths to
defend their interests. The AoC has done nothing to check these
tendencies. The review panels suggested are an internal affair,
where those who develop policy will get to appoint the people who
will assess the policy development processes, and most of those
appointed, too, will come from within the organisation. While the
suggested wider involvement of ICANN communities, including
governments, in reviewing the organisation is a welcome move, it
remains to be seen, then, to what extent these review panels will
have teeth – in any case their recommendations are not binding.
But some go even further and argue that the AoC has effectively
removed the one democratic control that existed over ICANN's Board:
that of the US Government. As the communities that supposedly make
up ICANN do not have the power to unseat the Board, the Board now is
effectively accountable... to none.</p>
<p>Since it does not directly address
accountability problems within ICANN, the AoC is not so much an
improvement, then, as simply a change: it has closed a few old doors,
and opened some new ones. Whether this is for good or for bad
remains to be seen: in the absence of clear structures of control and
oversight, the shape of things to come is never fixed.
For those within ICANN who genuinely want to work towards an
Internet in the service of the public good, rather than of big
business, there is, therefore, a tough task ahead of trying to ensure
that the most will be made of the opportunities that the new
arrangement does provide. Considering ICANN's institutional culture,
this will undoubtedly mean that much of their energy will need to be
invested in simply trying to shape new procedures and frameworks of
governance in more democratic and accountable directions, eating into
valuable time that could and should have been devoted to policy
development instead. Indeed, irrespective of the final
outcome of the AoC, the spectre of ICANN's lack of accountability and
its glaring democratic deficit, for now, remains. And for a forum
such as ICANN, that is unbecoming to say the least.</p>
<p>1] For
more information, please see
<a href="http://ncdnhc.org/profiles/blogs/ncuc-letter-to-icann-board-of">http://ncdnhc.org/profiles/blogs/ncuc-letter-to-icann-board-of</a>,
<a href="http://ncdnhc.org/profiles/blogs/top-10-myths-about-civil">http://ncdnhc.org/profiles/blogs/top-10-myths-about-civil</a>,
and
<a href="http://blog.internetgovernance.org/blog/_archives/2009/10/2/4338930.html">http://blog.internetgovernance.org/blog/_archives/2009/10/2/4338930.html</a>.</p>
<div id="sdfootnote1">
<p class="sdfootnote"><a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote1sym" href="#sdfootnote1anc"></a></p>
</div>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-icann-us-doc-affirmation-of-commitments-a-step-forward'>http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-icann-us-doc-affirmation-of-commitments-a-step-forward</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaPublic AccountabilityICANNinternet governance2011-08-02T07:16:09ZBlog EntryThe Present — and Future — Dangers of India's Draconian New Internet Regulations
http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-present-and-future-dangers-of-indias-draconian-new-internet-regulations
<b>The uproar surrounding India's Internet Control Rules makes clear that in the Internet age, as before, the active chilling of freedom of expression by the state is unacceptable in a democracy. Yet if India's old censorship regimes are to be maintained in this new context, the state will have little choice but to do just that. Are we ready to rethink the ways in which we deal with free speech and censorship as a society? Asks Anja Kovacs in this article, published in Caravan, 1 June 2011.
</b>
<p>WHAT ACTUALLY DEFINES A DEMOCRACY? It is a trickier question than it first seems, and yet it is worthwhile, at least every now and then, to remind ourselves of what constitutes the political system we hold so dear. Free and fair elections; an independent legislative, executive and judiciary; and freedom of the press—these are all vital ingredients. But what may be democracy’s defining element, or at least its sine qua non, is the right to freedom of opinion and expression: without this equal right to “seek, receive and impart information”, as the universal declaration of Human Rights frames it, a system of governance of the people, for the people and by the people simply remains meaningless. Without a free flow of information, democracy does not exist. </p>
<p>It is with good reason, then, that bloggers, tech enthusiasts and watchdogs from civil society have been up in arms over two new sets of rules, notified in April 2011, that will impact every Indian’s Internet use. Formulated by the Central Government under powers conferred to it by the IT (Amendment) Act 2008, one set governs what is known as the liability of intermediaries. This determines in which cases, and to what extent, companies ranging from Google and Facebook to local Internet service providers (ISPs) are legally responsible for the content that you upload. </p>
<p>The second set of rules pertains to cybercafes. In a manner reminiscent of the licence Raj, there are new registration standards for these establishments, which go beyond the usual requirements for commercial enterprises and include detailed procedures to identify all users. Cybercafes will be required to maintain and submit, on a monthly basis, logs that detail the use of all computers in the cafe and to keep backups of all users’ browser histories, to be maintained for at least one year. </p>
<p>There is much that is wrong with these rules, but what makes them such a particular threat to freedom of expression? Some effects are likely to be indirect: for example, the Internet has the potential to emerge as an important avenue for young people from disadvantaged backgrounds to express and discuss concerns so rarely taken into account by the mainstream media. But by putting into place stringent identification requirements for cybercafe users, who are likely to be less well-off, the access of underprivileged users in particular will be further constrained. Moreover, the combination of the need for identification with the requirement for cybercafes to keep a log of every user’s browser history means that anonymity online is now effectively made impossible in India. For whistleblowers, artists, writers or anyone desiring anonymity, there is no longer a place in Indian cyberspace. </p>
<p>But the most troubling impact on freedom of expression of the new mandates remains direct: in their attempt to delineate the liability of Internet providers and websites, the new rules for “intermediary due diligence” actually add important new curbs on freedom of expression to Indian law. India’s Constitution recognises a fairly extensive list of so-called “reasonable restrictions” and these are more or less replicated in the Rules: “the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence”. But the Rules, which were never vetted by Parliament, do not limit themselves to these Constitutional provisions. Rather surprisingly, they add a whole new slew of qualifications, many of which are so vague, moreover, that they leave the door wide open to abuse. Thus, for example, the Rules impose a blanket ban on impersonation and make it illegal to share any information that is “grossly harmful”, “harassing”, “blasphemous”, “disparaging” or “insulting any other nation”. None of these terms have been explained or defined. </p>
<p>Lacking the precision that would allow citizens to precisely regulate their behaviour in line with the law, overly broad regulations such as these are widely believed to have a chilling effect: in order not to violate the law, people begin to censor themselves—to keep quiet rather than protesting or engaging. But in this particular case, the effects are likely to be particularly pernicious because of a second provision made by the Rules: wherever an intermediary receives a complaint claiming that any information they store, host or publish contravenes the provisions of the Rules, the intermediary is required to take down this information within 36 hours. Censorship, in other words, will effectively be privatised. </p>
<p>The prospect is all the more depressing because the intermediaries have little incentive to resist participating in such censorship. Given the restrictions on free speech that are effectively enforced within Indian society by vigilante groups, especially in the last two decades, the possible impact of these rules is even more frightening. If Facebook has little reason to uphold your right to maintain a page that is critical of say, Gandhiji, what prevents vigilante groups from policing our lives online even more than they do offline? The only recourse available to the owner of the confiscated information will be going to court—meaning that defending one’s own freedom of speech online will require endless litigation. </p>
<p>These are worrying omens, in other words, for those who believe that freedom of expression is the cornerstone of democracy. But to what extent do these new provisions represent a radical break with India’s existing restrictions on free speech? Since its founding, the independent Indian nation-state has wielded censorship as a tool to both contain the conflicts that emanate from India’s tremendous diversity and to ensure its homogeneous social, moral and political development. If the list of reasonable restrictions in the Constitution is fairly long, this is because the country’s lawmakers were clear at the time of Independence that freedom of expression would need to be subordinated to the social reforms necessary to put the country on Nehru’s path to development. India’s far-reaching anti-hate speech laws, too, derive from the desire to combat ill will and disharmony. Since the Internet now makes it so much easier to publish opinions that are hurtful, or indeed “grossly harmful” or “disparaging”, the new Rules can in many ways be seen as an attempt to continue this strategy in the Internet age. </p>
<p>The problem, however, is that irrespective of the merits of such a strategy in the past, within the radically altered communicative context of the Internet, it is simply no longer feasible. As the Internet guru Clay Shirky has argued, earlier systems of media and communication worked on a “filter, then publish” principle. Because publishing a newspaper, for example, is expensive, editors and journalists take upon themselves the role of filtering out the “worthwhile” from the “not-so-worthwhile”. Without them making that vital differentiation between “news” and “information” on the one hand and “drivel” on the other, newspapers would simply not be viable. In the Internet age, however, this principle has been reversed. The arrival of social media especially has made it so easy and cheap for anyone to share their opinions that the mantra now is: first publish, then filter. The gatekeeper role of the traditional media stands much reduced. </p>
<p>For the Indian government’s strategy of using censorship as a tool to mitigate social conflict, this shift has two important consequences. The first one is quantitative: it means that there are now far more speech acts to police. That undoubtedly has made the state’s task much more difficult. But there is also a second, qualitative difference: it also means that whether the government approves of this or not, there will now be a far wider range of people who will make their voices heard, and thus, a far wider range of opinions that will be expressed in the public sphere. And it is precisely to stop such a diversity from emerging that much censorship in India has been justified over the years. As a 1980 report of the Working Group on National Film Policy argued: “if the overall objective of censorship is to safeguard generally accepted standards of morality and decency, in addition to the well recognised interests of the State, the standards of censorship applicable to freedom of expression cannot be very much ahead of the standards of behaviour commonly accepted in society. Censorship can become liberal only to the extent society itself becomes genuinely liberal”. </p>
<p>What such statements conveniently elide, of course, is the enormous diversity within Indian society itself. Whose standards of behaviour are they thinking of? Kashmiri, Manipuri, Chhattisgarhi? Gandhian, feminist, communist? Adivasi, Muslim, Dalit? Who represents this community of the nation? Censorship always benefits the status quo, and the Indian case has been no different. The rise of the Internet has merely revealed, with increasing frequency, cracks in the supposedly uniform moral, social and political development of India that the government envisioned. If the old censorship regime is to nevertheless be maintained in this new context, it will therefore increasingly require the active chilling of freedom of expression on the part of the state. What the uproar surrounding the Internet Control Rules makes clear is that in the Internet age, as before, this is an unacceptable route for a modern democracy. A new model to deal with diversity and dissent is urgently required. </p>
<p>What makes our democracy? With the undeniable challenges that the Internet throws to our established ways of operating, it is time to reopen this debate as a society, rather than leaving it to politicians and bureaucrats. The open forum of the Internet may often offend, or rattle our sensibilities and beliefs, but it also presents new possibilities for engagement and debate. Will we take this opportunity? </p>
<div>Read the original <a class="external-link" href="http://caravanmagazine.in/Story/913/Shut-Your-Mouth-.html">here</a></div>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-present-and-future-dangers-of-indias-draconian-new-internet-regulations'>http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-present-and-future-dangers-of-indias-draconian-new-internet-regulations</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaFreedom of Speech and ExpressionInternet GovernanceCensorship2011-08-02T07:22:24ZBlog EntryBeyond Access as Inclusion
http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/beyond-access-as-inclusion
<b>On 13 September, the day before the fifth Internet Governance Forum opens, CIS is coorganising in Vilnius a meeting on Internet governance and human rights. One of the main aims of this meeting is to call attention to the crucial, yet in Internet governance often neglected, indivisibility of rights. In this blog post, Anja Kovacs uses this lens to illustrate how it can broaden as well reinvigorate our understanding of what remains one of the most pressing issues in Internet governance in developing countries to this day: that of access to the Internet.</b>
<p align="JUSTIFY">One of the most attractive characteristics of the
Internet – and perhaps also one of the most debated ones – is its
empowering, democratising potential. In expositions in favour of
access to the Internet for all, this potential certainly often plays
a central role: as the Internet can help us to make our societies
more open, more inclusive, and more democratic, everybody should be
able to reap the fruits of this technology, it is argued. In other
words, in debates on access to the Internet, most of us take as our
<em>starting point</em> the desirability of such access, for the above
reasons. But how justified is such a stance? Is an Internet-induced
democratic transformation of our societies what is actually happening
on the ground?</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">I would like to move away, in this blog post, from
the more traditional approaches to the issue of access, where debates
mostly veer towards issues of infrastructure (spectrum, backbones,
last mile connectivity, …) or, under the banner of “diversity”,
towards the needs of specific, disadvantaged communities (especially
linguistic minorities and the disabled). To remind us more sharply of
the issues at stake and of the wide range of human rights that need
our active attention to make our dreams a reality, I would like to
take a step back and to ask two fundamental questions regarding
access: why might access be important? And what do we actually have
access to?</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Let me start, then, by exploring the first question:
why, actually, is Internet access important? In his canonical work on
the information age, and especially in the first volume on the rise
of the network society, Manuel Castells (2000) has perhaps provided
the most elaborate and erudite description of the ways in which new
technologies are restructuring our societies and our lives. We are
all all too familiar with the many and deep-seated ways in which the
Internet changes the manner in which we learn, play, court, pay, do
business, maintain relationships, dream, campaign. And yet, the exact
nature of the divide created by the unequal distribution of technical
infrastructure and access, despite being so very real, receives
relatively little attention: this divide is not simply one of
opportunities, it is crucially one of power. If in traditional
Marxist analysis the problem was that the oppressed did not have
access to the means of production, today, one could well argue, the
problem is that they do not have access to the means of communication
and information.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Indeed, the Internet is not something that is simply
happening to us: there are people who are responsible for these new
evolutions. And so it becomes important to ask: who is shaping the
Internet? Who is creating this new world? Let us, by way of example,
consider some figures relating to Internet use in India. So often
hailed as the emerging IT superpower of the world, there are, by the
end of 2009, according to official government figures, in this
country of 1 billion 250 million people slightly more than 15 million
Internet connections. Of these, only slightly more than half, or
almost 8 million, are broadband connections – the rest are still
dial-up ones (TRAI 2010). The number of Internet users is of course
higher – one survey estimates that there are between 52 million and
71 million Internet users in urban areas, where the bulk of users is
still located (IAMAI 2010). But while this is a considerable number,
it remains a fraction of the population in a country so big. What
these figures put in stark relief, then, is that the poor and
marginalised are not so much excluded from the information society
(in fact, many have to bear the consequences of new evolutions made
possible by it in rather excruciating fashion), but rather, that they
are fundamentally excluded from shaping the critical ways in which
our societies are being transformed.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">To have at least the possibility to access the
Internet is, then, of central significance in this context for the
possibility of participation it signals in the restructuring of our
societies at the community, national and global level, and this in
two ways: in the creation of visions of where our societies should be
going, and in the actual shaping of the architecture of our societies
in the information age.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">If we agree that access attains great significance
in this sense, then a second question poses itself, and that is: in
practice, what exactly are we getting access to? This query should be
of concern to all of us. With the increasing corporatisation of the
Internet and the seemingly growing urges of governments on all
continents to survey and control their citizens, new challenges are
thrown up of how to nurture the growth of open, inclusive, democratic
societies, that all of us are required to take an interest in.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Yet it is in the case of poor and marginalised
people that the challenges are most pronounced. Efforts to
include them in the information society are disproportionately
legitimised on the basis of the contribution these can make to
improving their livelihoods. Initiatives, often using mobile
technology, that allow farmers to get immediate information about the
market prices of the produce they are intending to sell, are perhaps
the most well-known and oft-cited examples in this category. Other
efforts aim to improve the information flow from the government to
citizens: India has set up an ambitious network of Common Service
Centres, for example, that aim to greatly facilitate the access of
citizens to particular government services, such as obtaining birth
or caste certificates – and going by first indications, this also
seems to be succeeding in practice. Only rarely, however, do
initiatives to “include” the poor in the information society
address them as holistic beings who do not only have economic lives,
but political, emotional, creative and intellectual existences as
well. This is not to say that economic issues are not of
importance. But by highlighting only this aspect of poor people's
lives, we promote a highly impoverished understanding of their
existences.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">The focus on a limited aspect of the poor's identity
- important as that aspect may be - has a function, however: it makes
it possible to hide from view the extremely restrictive terms on
which poor people are currently being integrated into the information
society. Even initiatives such as the Common Service Centres are in
fact based on a public-private-partnership model that explicitly aims
to “align [..] social and commercial goals” (DIT 2006: 1), and in
effect subordinates government service design to the requirements of
the CSC business model (Singh 2008). The point is not simply that we
need strong privacy and data protection policies in such a context –
although we clearly do. There is a larger issue here, which is that
efforts to include the poor in the information society, in the
present circumstances, really seem to simply integrate them more
closely into a capitalist system over which they have little control,
or to submit them to ever greater levels of government and corporate
surveillance. Their own capacity to give shape to the system in which
they are “included”, despite the oft-heralded capacities of the
Internet to allow greater democratic participation and to turn
everybody into a producer and distributor, as well as a consumer,
remains extremely limited.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Such tendencies have not gone unnoticed. For
example, unlike in many other parts of the world, social movements in
India fighting against dams, special economic zones or mining
operations in forest areas - all initiatives that lead to large-scale
displacement – have not embraced technology as enthusiastically as
one might have expected. There are various reasons for this. Within
Indian nationalism, there have always been strands deeply critical of
technology, with Gandhi perhaps their most illustrious proponent. But
for many activists, technology often also already comes with an
ideological baggage: an application such as Twitter, for example, in
so many of its aspects is clearly manufactured by others, for others,
drawing on value sets that activists often in many ways are reluctant
to embrace. And such connotations only gain greater validity because
of the intimate connections that exist in India between the IT boom
and neoliberalism: technology has great responsibility for many of
the trends and practices these activists are fighting against. While
the Internet might have made possible many new publics, most
movements do not – as movements – recognise these publics as
their own (Kovacs, forthcoming).</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">To some extent, these are of course questions of the
extent of access that people are granted. But they also raise the
important issue of the value structure of the Internet. Efforts at
inclusion always take for granted a standard that is already set. But
what if the needs and desires of the many billions that still need to
be included are not served by the Internet <em>as it exists</em>? What
if, for it to really work for them, they need to be able to make the
Internet a different place than the one we know today? While it is
obvious that different people will give different answers in
different parts of the world, such debates are complicated
tremendously by the fact that it is no longer sufficient to reach a
national consensus on the issues under discussion, as was the case in
earlier eras. The global nature of the Internet's infrastructure
requires that the possibility of differing opinions, too, needs to be
facilitated at the global level. What are the consequences of this
for the development of democracy?</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">For access to the Internet to be substantively
meaningful from a human rights perspective in the information age, it
is crucial, then, that at a minimum, the openness of the Internet is
ensured at all levels. Of course, openness can be considered a value
in itself. But perhaps more importantly, at the moment, it is the
only way in which the possibility of a variety of answers to the
pressing question of what shape our societies should take in the
information age can emerge. Open standards and the portability of
data, for example, are crucial if societies are to continue to decide
on the role corporations should play in their public life, rather
than having corporations <em>de facto</em> rule the roost. Similarly,
under no circumstances should anyone be cut off from the Internet, if
people are to participate in the public life of the societies of
which they are members. And these are not just concerns for
developing countries: if recent incidents from France to Australia
are anything to go by, new possibilities facilitated by the Internet
have, at least at the level of governments, formed the impetus for a
clear shift to the right of the political spectrum in many developed
countries. In the developed world, too, the questions of access and
what it allows for are thus issues that should concern all. In the
information age, human rights will only be respected if such respect
is already inscribed in the very architecture of its central
infrastructure itself.<br /><br /></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><strong>List of References</strong></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Castells, Manuel (2000). <em>The Rise of the Network
Society, 2<sup>nd</sup> edition</em>. Oxford: Blackwell.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Department of Information Technology (DIT) (2006).
<em>Guidelines for the Implementation of Common Services Centers
(CSCs) Scheme in States</em>. New Delhi: Department of Information
Technology, Government of India.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Internet and Mobile Association of India (IAMAI)
(2010). <em>I-Cube 2009-2010: Internet in India</em>. Mumbai: Internet
and Mobile Association of India.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Kovacs, Anja (forthcoming). <em>Inquilab 2.0?
Reflections on Online Activism in India</em> (working title).
Bangalore: Centre for Internet and Society.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Singh, Parminder Jeet (2008). <em>Recommendations for a
Meaningful and Successful e-Governance in India</em>. IT for Change Policy
Brief, IT for Change, Bangalore.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Telecom Regulatory Auhority of India (TRAI) (2010).
<em>The Indian Telecom Services Performance Indicators,
October-December 2009</em>. New Delhi: Telecom Regulatory Auhority of
India.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/beyond-access-as-inclusion'>http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/beyond-access-as-inclusion</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaDevelopmentDigital AccessInternet Governancehuman rights2011-08-02T07:29:03ZBlog EntryYou Have the Right to Remain Silent
http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/your-right-to-remain-silent
<b>India has a long history of censorship that it justifies in the name of national security. But new laws governing the Internet are unreasonable and — given the multitude of online voices — poorly thought out, argues Anja Kovacs in this article published in the Sunday Guardian on 17 April 2011.</b>
<p>In March 2011, Indian media - both social and traditional - was ablaze
with fears that a new set of rules, proposed to complement the IT
(Amendment) Act 2008, would thwart the freedom of expression of India's
bloggers: contrary to standard international practice, the Intermediary
Due Dilligence Rules seemed intent on making bloggers responsible for
comments made by readers on their site. Only a few weeks earlier, the
threat of online censorship had manifested itself in a different form:
although the block was implemented unevenly, mobile applications market
space Mobango, bulk SMS provider Clickatell, hacking-related portal
Zone-H.com and blogs hosted on Typepad were suddenly no longer
accessible for most Indian netizens, without warning or explanation.</p>
<p>Censorship in India is nothing new. At the time of Independence,
there was widespread fear among its lawmakers that unrestricted freedom
of expression could become a barrier to the social reforms necessary to
put the country on Nehru's path to development – particularly as the
memory of Partition continued to be vivid. Although freedom of
expression is guaranteed by the Constitution, it is therefore subject to
a fairly extensive list of so-called "reasonable" restrictions: the
sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly
relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in
relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.
But while this long list might have made sense at the time of Partition,
in the mature democracy that India has now become, its existence, and
the numerous opportunities for censorship and surveillance that it has
enabled or justified, seems out of place. Indeed, though all these
restrictions in themselves are considered acceptable internationally,
there are few other democratic states that include all of them in the
basic laws of their land.</p>
<p>An appetite for censorship does not only exist among India's
legislature and judiciary, however. Especially since the early nineties,
instances of vigilante groups destroying art, preventing film
screenings, or even attacking offending artists, writers and editors
have become noteworthy for their regularity. But it is worth noting that
even more progressive sections of society have not been averse to
censorship: for example, section of the Indian feminist movement have
voiced strong support for the Indecent Representation of Women Act that
seeks to censor images of women which are derogatory, denigrating or
likely to corrupt public morality.</p>
<p>What connects all these efforts? A belief that suppressing speech and
opinions makes it possible to contain the conflicts that emanate from
India's tremendous diversity, while simultaneously ensuring its
homogenous moral as much as political development. But if the advent of
satellite television already revealed the vulnerabilities of this
strategy, the Internet has made clear that in the long term, it is
simply untenable. It is not just that the authors of a speech act may
not be residents of India; it is that everybody can now become an
author, infinitely multiplying the number of expressions that are
produced each year and that thus could come within the Law's ambit. In
this context, even if it may still have a role, suppression clearly can
no longer be the preferred or even dominant technology of choice to
manage disagreements. What is urgently needed is the building of a much
stronger culture of respectful disagreement and debate within and across
the country's many social groups. If more and more people are now
getting an opportunity to speak, what we need to make sure is that they
end up having a conversation.</p>
<p>Yet the government of India so far has mostly continued on the beaten
track, putting into place a range of legislations and policies to
meticulously monitor and police the freedom of expression of netizens
within its borders. Thus, for example, section 66F(1)(B) of the IT
(Amendment) Act 2008 defines "cyberterrorism" so broadly as to include
the unauthorised access to information on a computer with a belief that
that information may be used to cause injury to...decency or morality.
The suggested sentence may extend to imprisonment for life. The proposed
Intermediary Due Dilligence Rules 2011 privatise the responsibility for
censorship by making intermediaries responsible for all content that
they host or store, putting unprecedented power over our acts of speech
into the hands of private bodies. The proposed Cyber Cafe Rules 2011
order that children who do not possess a photo identity card need to be
accompanied by an adult who does, constraining the Internet access of
crores of young people among the less advantaged sections of society in
particular. And while the US and other Western countries continue to
debate the desireability of an Internet Kill Switch, the Indian
government obtained this prerogative through section 69A of the IT
(Amendment Act) 2008 years ago.</p>
<p>Such measures are given extra teeth by being paired with unprecedented
systems of surveillance. For example, there are proposals on the table
that make it obligatory for telecommunication carriers and manufacturers
of telecommunications equipment to ensure their equipment and services
have built-in surveillance capabilities. While at present, records are
only kept if there is a specific requirement by intelligence or security
agencies, the Intelligence Bureau has proposed that ISPs keep a record
of all online activities of all customers for at least six months. The
IB has also suggested putting into place a unique identification system
for all Internet users, whereby they would be required to submit some
form of online identification every time they go online.</p>
<p>Proponents of such legislation often point to the new threats to
safety and security that the Internet poses to defend these measures,
and it is indeed a core obligation of any state to ensure the safety of
its citizens. But the hallmark of a democracy is that it carefully
balances any measures to do so with the continued guarantee of its
citizens' fundamental rights. Despite the enormous changes and
challenges that the Internet brings for freedom of expression
everywhere, such an exercise seems to sadly not yet have been
systematically undertaken in India so far.</p>
<p>The recent blocking of websites with which we started this article
reflects the urgent need to do so. In response to RTI applications by
the Centre for Internet and Society and Medianama, the Department of
Information Technology, which is authorised to order such blocks,
admitted to blocking Zone-H, but not any of the other websites affected
earlier this year. In an interview with The Hindu, the Department of
Telecommunication too had denied ordering the blocking of access,
despite the fact that some users trying to access Typepad had reported
seeing the message "this site has been blocked as per request by
Department of Telecom" on their screen. In the mean time, Clickatell and
Mobango remain inaccessible for this author at the time of writing.
That we continue to be in the dark as to why this is so in the world's
largest democracy deserves to urgently become a rallying point.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/your-right-to-remain-silent'>http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/your-right-to-remain-silent</a>
</p>
No publisheranjaFreedom of Speech and Expressionhuman rightsInternet GovernanceCensorship2011-08-02T07:55:22ZBlog EntryWhat's in a Name? Or Why Clicktivism May Not Be Ruining Left Activism in India, At Least For Now
http://editors.cis-india.org/raw/histories-of-the-internet/blogs/revolution-2.0/whats-in-a-name-or-why-clicktivism-may-not-be-ruining-left-activism-in-india-at-least-for-now
<b>In a recent piece in the Guardian titled “Clicktivism Is Ruining Leftist Activism”, Micah White expressed severe concern that, in drawing on tactics of advertising and marketing research, digital activism is undermining “the passionate, ideological and total critique of consumer society”. His concerns are certainly shared by some in India: White's piece has been circulating on activist email lists where people noted with concern that e-activism may be replacing “the real thing” even in this country. But is the situation in India really this dire?</b>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Among those
who consider themselves activists in a more traditional fashion,
critical debates on what it means to be an activist certainly remain
alive and well. Among India's social movements, perhaps most
prominent, over the past decade, have been those that protest against
large-scale “development” projects and the displacement they tend
to cause – projects of which especially India's tribal people, or
<em>adivasis</em>,
often are the victims. In these circles, arguments against the use
of the Internet for activism often focus on the elitist character of
this tool: in a country where Internet penetration rates continue to
hover around a meagre five percent, frequently neither the people
affected nor the wider groups that need to be mobilised have access
to this resource. Clearly then, organising online is never
sufficient and, perhaps not surprisingly, debates about what is
called “armchair activism” consequently are both common and
intense. In a recent <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bTnncO8kc-Y">video</a>
posted on YouTube, for example, the respected Himanshu Kumar – who
everyone will recognise as a grassroots activist –
called on the nation to support the <em>adivasis</em>
and their causes. In the same video, he also explicitly requested
people to get off the Internet: </p>
<blockquote>
<p align="JUSTIFY">
<em>Is
me jo shehero me rehne wale log hai, mujhe unse khas tor se kehna hai
ki aap sheher me baithe rahenge, net par thoda sa likh denge – usse
sarkar ko koi farak padne wala nahi hai. Na janta Internet padthi
hai na sarkar Internet padthi hai. Hum jo activist hai wohi aapas
mein Internet par pad lethe hai. Usse sarkar ki koi policiyan nahi
badal payenge, sarkar par pressure nahi create kar payenge. Jab tak
ham aam janta ke beech mein nahi jayenge, na to hame desh ki problems
pata challenge, na ham desh ke logon ko jaga payenge. </em></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">
[To
the people in the cities, I want to especially say that, you keep
sitting in the cities, you write something on the Internet - it
doesn't make any difference to the government. Neither do people read
the Internet, nor does the government read the Internet. Only
activists like you and me read on the Internet. Through that, we
cannot change the policies of the government, we cannot create
pressure on the government. As long as we don't go among/approach
the common people, neither will we come to know the country's
problems, nor will we be able to awaken the people]. </p>
</blockquote>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Not
everybody I spoke to would have agreed with Kumar's argument. The
importance of mass mobilisation and the need to be in touch with
grassroots realities are recognised by all movement activists, as is
consequently the requirement to get active offline as much as online.
But whether mass mobilisation at the grassroots is the <em>only</em>
way forward is not something that everyone is convinced of. In the
context of the <a href="http://www.binayaksen.net/">Free Binayak Sen
campaign</a>, for example, there is considerable recognition that the
website was a vital complement to a well-organised offline campaign
to free Dr. Binayak Sen from jail, which kicked off in the spring of
2008. Sen is a community health doctor and civil liberties activist
who had worked for more than twenty five years among the <em>adivasis</em>
of Chhattisgarh, the heart of the current Maoist conflict, when he
was arrested on the basis of what many considered completely
baseless, yet non-bailable charges of being a Maoist himself, and
left to languish in jail for two years. A regularly updated website,
and related Facebook group and email list, soon became the focal
point for a massive outpouring of support for Sen from different
parts of the world, including in the form of a letter from twenty
Nobel Prize winners, as well as an important source of information on
the campaign for activists within the country. In May 2009, the
Indian Supreme Court finally released granted bail to Dr. Binayak
Sen. The Doctor's trial is currently ongoing.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">In
this context of critical debates, how do those who do see themselves
as activists, yet draw on the Internet as a significant tool to
publicise struggles, justify themselves? If the Internet can play a
role in changing matters at the grassroots, and has proven to do so
in the past, does it become possible to intensely use this tool and
still be recognised as an activist in a more traditional reading of
this word? The fact that most middle-class English speaking cadres
of movements are online, despite their protestations against online
activism for being elitist, may well play in the favour of advocates
of online protest: it does open up a space to argue for the relevance
of this medium, even if for a limited group, and for the importance
of its responsible use. Indeed, it may well be for this reason that
it is possible to watch on YouTube a number of videos in which
Himanshu Kumar shares his experiences at the grassroots, his own
discomfort with the medium notwithstanding. But it is not this
ambiguity that is at the heart of the claims to credibility of
advocates of online activism. Rather, as has always been the case,
it is their continued connectedness to the grassroots. How much you
are in the know of what happens at the grassroots; whether you have
physically joined struggles; to what extent you get your hands dirty
offline and show up for meetings, rallies, poster pasting, rather
than limiting your engagement to the online route – these are the
kind of elements that determine whether you are an online <em>activist</em>.
What you do offline remains as important as ever. To only
work online is not sufficient. </p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Importantly,
such readings are frequently mirrored by those who do not have such
connections to the grassroots. In my research, I have more than once
come across “online activists” who started their conversation
with me by stating that they were not, in fact, activists at all.
Interestingly, Maesy Angelina has observed a similar reluctance to
identify as an activist among participants in the <a href="http://www.blanknoise.org/">Blank
Noise</a> project (personal communication and Angelina, forthcoming),
a campaign to combat street sexual harassment and, with its extensive
use of online tools over the seven years of its existence, one of the
paragons of online activism in India. While Maesy herself will blog
more about how Blank Noise participants understand activism later on
<a href="http://editors.cis-india.org/research/dn">here,</a> (earlier
posts are available as well) at least in my research, the reason why
people refused the “activist” label was generally not because
they disapproved of what it might stand for. Rather, they saw a
clear difference between their own contribution and that of the
full-time activists who ceaselessly mobilise and organise people on
the ground, those who in many cases draw on a distinct and
easily-recognisable language of protest that infuses everything from
the shape protests take to activists' dressing sense in the process –
the “jholawallahs”, as
one person I follow on Twitter calls them, after the trademark cotton
bag that they often carry around. Those who refused the namecard of
an “activist” were clear that they would never have chosen such a
full-time activist's life; what new technology allowed them to do,
however, was to nevertheless make a contribution, even if often on a
smaller scale, of their own. As one person put it quite movingly:</p>
<blockquote>
<p align="JUSTIFY">
I believe that, I think that ordinary people, and I am <em>convinced</em>,
that they can do, can use this medium to actually make a difference,
you know or bring about change, to change the world. You know, these
dreams that you have sometimes, “I want to change the world in some
way” [laughs]. You know? I do believe that... it's possible. And
you don't have to be an activist or working in an NGO. You can be
working anywhere, you can be doing anything as your day job, you
know, or your regular job. But, you can contribute.</p>
</blockquote>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Clearly,
then, critical readings of what it means to be an activist are common
not only among those who are activists in a more traditional sense,
but among those who focus on exploring the use of new tools for
social change as well: the kind of credibility, based on offline
experience, that attaches to more traditional activists is not
something they claim for themselves. But what they understand is
that new technologies have facilitated a qualitatively new kind of
engagement with movements, with activism, with social change. And
what such “not-activists” do claim is that this has made it
possible for ordinary people to now also make a difference, even
though small that difference often may be. </p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">In
many ways this type of involvement is actually not new, as
contributions of non-activists have always played an important role
in the survival and evolutions of movements, especially at times of
great urgency: doctors who are ready to treat patients for free;
lawyers who supply legal advice without expecting anything in return;
people with comfortable jobs in the private sector who one knows one
can rely on for donations when required (most movements in India
survive financially by relying solely or mostly on donations by
private persons). What is new with the introduction of the Internet
is that the possibility of contributions by people who are not
activists are now extended into new areas, as it has become much
easier to contribute to publicising and building community around
issues that are close to movements' heart as well.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">So
how to evaluate White's claim that clicktivism is ruining Left
activism in the Indian context then? For one thing, it is important
to remember that we simply do not – or not yet at least – have
platforms such as <a href="http://moveon.org/">MoveOn</a> or <a href="http://avaaz.org/">Avaaz</a>,
that draw, as White explains, on market ideology to conveniently
break down a seemingly endless number of political campaigns into
little bites for easy individual consumption with the click of a
mouse button. Left activism in India, even online, remains firmly
embedded in <em>communities</em>
of engagement. Surely e-petitions, for example, are popular here as
much as elsewhere. But the point to remember is that they rarely
circulate in isolation. Instead, they emerge from the email lists,
from the postings and repostings as well as conversations on
Facebook, from the blogs around which much Left activism online
revolves. And crucial to these uses of the Internet as a tool for
social change is not clicking, but engagement and conversation.
Perhaps it is for this reason that even a landmark campaign such as
Free Binayak Sen has hardly received any attention in the
international online activists' arena: campaigns such as this do not
revolve around the number of clicks they get, nor around flash-points
or events shaped to satisfy the hunger of the international media,
valuable as some may argue these can be; rather, they are intended
for the long haul, as they attempt to build on existing collectives
to extend the communities of solidarity around issues that move and
drive the Left in this neoliberal age. Even online, the politics can
and does infuse the method, at least for now. </p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">This,
then, gives something to ponder over. It is true that working among
people, offline, remains of crucial importance if Left movements in
the country are to achieve their goals. But perhaps it is worth
considering more seriously the value and role of this pool of people
willing and available to help building such communities in a more or
less sustained fashion online (I am not talking about the accidental
activist here), without necessarily wanting to take on a core
“activist”'s role. Yes, perhaps their work does not amount to
activism as we know it. But nevertheless, it may well be that in
many cases the efforts of these committed individuals do not amount
to distractions, but to gravy: extras that help ensuring that more
and more people start to care as the message of social movements is
amplified to a much larger audience than might have otherwise been
the case, perhaps even getting many more people involved, while also
acutely aware of their own limitations when it comes to achieving
fundamental, lasting social change. In fact, perhaps the Left would
also do well to wonder whether it can afford to lose this valuable
support: as I will document in a future blog post, with the rise of
the Internet in India, online initiatives have also emerged that take
neither of the stances described above, but that instead explicitly,
and at times aggressively, seek to present themselves as a
forward-looking <em>alternative</em> to the existing progressive
politics in this country. A lack of engagement on the part of the
Left with supporters online would effectively entail a ceding of the
space to such challengers. </p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">The
point to remember for now, however, is that many of those active in
online campaigns are acutely aware themselves not only of the
potential of their work, but also of its limitations. What we do
need to do, however, is to keep firmly alive this tension and debate
surrounding what it means to be an activist, as well as to remain
vigilant that the dazzling charms of the tools do not, in the long
term, blind us to our politics. At the moment, it seems to be the
continuing vibrancy of the Left in India that makes it difficult for
anyone who wants to get seriously involved with movement politics to
consider online activism a sufficient replacement. It is the
endurance of these attitudes of continuous critical inquiry that will
ensure that, clicktivism or not, Left activism will remain firmly
alive in this country in the future as well – in the hearts and
minds of activists and non-activists alike. <br /></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><br /></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><em>With
thanks to Prasad Krishna for assistance with the translation.</em></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"><strong>References</strong></p>
<p align="JUSTIFY">Angelina,
M. (forthcoming). 'Beyond the Digital: Understanding Contemporary
Youth Activism in Urban India' (working title). MA thesis. The Hague,
International Institute of Social Studies – Erasmus University of
Rotterdam.</p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>
<p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='http://editors.cis-india.org/raw/histories-of-the-internet/blogs/revolution-2.0/whats-in-a-name-or-why-clicktivism-may-not-be-ruining-left-activism-in-india-at-least-for-now'>http://editors.cis-india.org/raw/histories-of-the-internet/blogs/revolution-2.0/whats-in-a-name-or-why-clicktivism-may-not-be-ruining-left-activism-in-india-at-least-for-now</a>
</p>
No publisheranjahistories of internet in IndiaDigital ActivismmovementsResearch2011-08-02T09:25:39ZBlog Entry