Centre for Internet and Society

Better Understanding of the Idea of Privacy Sought

praskrishna — 2011-08-08T07:40:18Z

Understanding the ways in which an individual's privacy is violated will help provide a better definition of privacy in India. At a public conference called ‘Privacy Matters' held at the Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS) here on Saturday, speakers underscored the need for discussions surrounding the privacy bill.

Prashant Iyengar from Privacy India said, "In India, we do not have a set view on privacy. There is a lot of articulation around privacy in law, yet we do not have an omnibus concept." He stressed the importance of bringing about discussions around the adequacy of safeguards.

Post 26/11 terror attacks, the country has seen an enhancement of electronic surveillance and the proliferation of databases that collect information from individuals, said Santhosh Babu, Secretary, Information Technology Department.

"The problem arises when these databases are misused for political or other reasons. In a legal framework, we have to figure out what information can be given out, what cannot and what can be misused," he said. He stressed the importance of databases going through a software development lifecycle to make them more secure.

Speaking from a media practitioner's perspective, Sashi Kumar, Chairman, Media Development Foundation, said it is the business of the media to conduct sting operations especially when people in power are obfuscating information. “Sting operations are legitimate when larger public good is at stake. We have to be aware of this when we discuss the privacy bill. It should not protect people in power and keep exposure at bay,” he said. He also stressed that privacy is closely linked with the dignity of the person. R. Ramamurthy, Chairman, Cyber Society of India said, “The definition of privacy varies from what it was twenty years ago to what it is today. A lot has changed since the internet came to India.” The statutes that govern all forms of communication in India should be revamped, he said. Discussions around privacy in relation to telecommunications, financial transactions, consumer rights and basic rights followed. The conference was a collaborative effort between Privacy India, Citizen Consumer and Civic Action Group, Chennai and MIDS.

A staff reporter from the Hindu covered the event. The original can be read here

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/better-understanding-of-privacy

Converting Indian Slacktivists Takes (Offline) Time

praskrishna — 2011-08-04T09:07:16Z

No matter how much attention an online protest campaign might appear to be getting in terms of likes, fans or retweets, it’s rarely likely to be able to draw even a fraction of its Internet supporters to a street protest. That’s as true in India as anywhere else in the world, it appears.

The New Delhi Slut Walk, also known as Besharmi Morcha (Shameless Protest), publicized itself in good part through websites that generated a lot of media coverage, including on this site, as well as through debates. But it apparently didn’t live up to expectations, some Indian news reports said.

A story in the business daily Mint said over 2,000 people pledged on Facebook to show up. Police put the turnout at 700 people, including 400 police and 200 reporters, but protest organizers put the number of people who were there, including cops and the press, at around 1,000. Mishika Singh, a coordinator for the demonstration, said perhaps 500 people actually did the walk. The campaign said that they got about as many people as they were expecting.

So what does it take to turn "slacktivism" — as some call online support that extends largely to clicking on a petition, forwarding an e-mail or “liking” something on Facebook—into activism?

Sunil Abraham, executive director of the Bangalore-based Center for Internet and Society, says "conversion" — getting passive online supporters to graduate to the next step, such as customizing an email to an MP — takes additional time and organizing, and at least some of this must happen offline.

He said the perception among many that the Arab uprisings earlier this year were Twitter-driven was oversimplified and happened in part because it was harder for reporters outside the country to be aware of on-the-ground organizing efforts.

"Social media organizing was more by the diaspora population in order to keep international attention on the issue," he said. “If the Internet was so important, when they blocked Internet sites it would have seriously undermined the offline organizing but it didn't."

With causes that are viewed as more difficult—or that have a higher personal cost to the participant perhaps—conversion can be even more difficult, Mr. Abraham said, saying he wasn’t surprised by the numbers reported at Slut Walk.

"It’s a new cause. It’s not an established organization," he said. "They didn’t have a lot of time."

Mr. Abraham offered the Anna Hazare-guided Indian Against Corruption campaign as one of India’s better online organizing efforts.

"I think the Anna Hazare campaign is so far the most effective” online, said Mr. Abraham. “If you notice they are much more organized in terms of designing the funnel of incremental actions."

He said they had laid out obvious next steps for those willing to do a bit more, like calling an Indian Against Corruption cellphone number to register for updates and information.

"They also have offline activities and meetings in other cities as well," he said.

Yet even on days in April when the India Against Corruption protest Facebook page was racking up 100,000 members, the number of people at the sit-in site in Jantar Mantar in New Delhi during Mr. Hazare’s fast against corruption were roughly a twentieth of that each day.

Still, Mr. Abraham said that politicians probably shouldn’t dismiss online activists, even if they can’t muster the numbers that traditional protesters like farmers groups or trade unions can.

Mr. Abraham suggested that while India’s broadband users may number less than 10% of the population, many of them are probably well-connected—both technologically and politically speaking—and influential on others they communicate with.

"Even a small number on the streets should count as an important political signal,” said Mr. Abraham. “Some of us are more connected than others."

He also said India’s slacktivists didn’t appear to be greater slackers than their counterparts in other countries, noting that getting a person to graduate from thought to action is extremely difficult in most cases.

"If 1,000 people read your newspaper, 100 will say I should write to the editor because I really disagree with the columnist, and one person will actually write," said Mr. Abraham. "Conversion is very low for these kinds of altruistic activities. For a discount sale perhaps you would get more people."

Note: Correcting the statistics about broadband penetration.

This article by Tripti Lahiri was published in the Wall Street Journal on August 2, 2011. The original can be read here.

Photo courtesy Manan Vatsyayana/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/converting-indian-slacktivists

July 2011 Bulletin

praskrishna — 2012-07-30T07:00:26Z

Greetings from the Centre for Internet and Society! In this issue we are pleased to present you the latest updates about our research, upcoming events, and news and media coverage:

Researchers@Work

RAW is a multidisciplinary research initiative. To build original research knowledge base, the RAW programme has been collaborating with different organisations and individuals to focus on its three year thematic of Histories of the Internets in India. Five monographs: Re: Wiring Bodies by Asha Achuthan, Archive and Access by Aparna Balachandran and Rochelle Pinto, Pornography and the Law by Namita Malhotra, The Leap of Rhodes or, How India Dealt with the Last Mile Problem – An Inquiry into Technology and Governance by Ashish Rajadhyaksha and Internet, Society and Space in Indian Cities by Pratyush Shankar were sent for peer review.

Upcoming Event in CEPT, Ahmedabad

Locating Internets: Histories of the Internet(s) in India — Research Training and Curriculum Workshop: Call for Participation [Deadline for submission – 26 July 2011; Participants to be selected by 30 July 2011; Workshop from 19 to 22 August 2011]

Digital Natives with a Cause?

Digital Natives with a Cause? is a knowledge programme initiated by CIS and Hivos, Netherlands. It is a research inquiry that seeks to look at the changing landscape of social change and political participation and the role that young people play through digital and Internet technologies, in emerging information societies. Consolidating knowledge from Asia, Africa and Latin America, it builds a global network of knowledge partners who want to critically engage with the dominant discourse on youth, technology and social change, in order to look at the alternative practices and ideas in the Global South. It also aims at building new ecologies that amplify and augment the interventions and actions of the digitally young as they shape our futures.

The Digital Natives Newsletter

"Links in the Chain" is a bi-monthly publication which highlights the projects, ideas and news of the "Digital Natives with a Cause?" community members. It includes opinion posts by participants from the three workshops — Talking Back (Taipei, 15 – 18 August 2010), My Bubble, My Space, My Voice (Johannesburg, 6 – 9 November 2010) and From Face to the Interface (Santiago, 8 – 10 February 2011) as well as the facilitators, interviews with them, comics and cartoons highlighting current issues affecting the community, as well as current news and discussions happening at the project website, www.digitalnatives.in.

The Digital Dinosaurs [Links in the Chain, Volume 7]
Special Mid Year Edition [Links in the Chain, Volume 8]

Accessibility

Estimates of the percentage of the world's population that is disabled vary considerably. But what is certain is that if we count functional disability, then a large proportion of the world's population is disabled in one way or another. At CIS we work to ensure that the digital technologies, which empower disabled people and provide them with independence, are allowed to do so in practice and by the law. To this end, we support web accessibility guidelines, and change in copyright laws that currently disempower the persons with disabilities.

Featured Research

Accessibility Policy Making: An International Perspective (Revised Edition 2011) [A G3ict White Paper researched and edited by the Center for Internet and Society, Bangalore, India. Editor: Nirmita Narasimhan, Revised edition: May 2011]

Access to Knowledge (previously IPR Reform)

CIS believes that access to knowledge and culture is essential as it promotes creativity and innovation and bridges the gaps between the developed and developing world positively. Hence, the campaigns for an international treaty on copyright exceptions for print-impaired, advocating against PUPFIP Bill, calls for the WIPO Broadcast Treaty to be restricted to broadcast, questioning the demonization of 'pirates', and supporting endeavours that explore and question the current copyright regime.

Featured

Don't Shoot the Messenger: Speech on Intermediary Liability at 22nd SCCR of WIPO (speech by Pranesh Prakash at a side-event co-organized from 15 to 24 June 2011, by WIPO and the Internet Society on intermediary liability).

Openness

CIS believes that innovation and creativity should be fostered through openness and collaboration and is committed towards promotion of open standards, open access, and free/libre/open source software.

Documentary

People are Knowledge – Experimenting with Oral Citations on Wikipedia (co-produced by CIS in association with the Wikimedia Foundation, on Oral Citations in India and South Africa)

Featured

Opening Government: A Guide to Best Practice in Transparency, Accountability and Civic Engagement across the Public Sector (published by Transparency & Accountability Initiative, CIS contributed the section on Open Government Data).

Internet Governance

Although there may not be one centralized authority that rules the Internet, the Internet does not just run by its own volition: for it to operate in a stable and reliable manner, there needs to be in place infrastructure, a functional domain name system, ways to curtail cyber crime across borders, etc. The Tunis Agenda of the second World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), paragraph 34 defined Internet governance as “the development and application by governments, the private sector and civil society, in their respective roles, of shared principles, norms, rules, decision-making procedures, and programmes that shape the evolution and use of the Internet.” Its latest endeavour has resulted into these:

New Blog Post

RTI and Third Party Information: What Constitutes the Private and Public? [by Noopur Raval]

Events Organised

Socio-financial Online Networks: Globalizing Micro-Credit through Micro-transactional Networked Platforms – A Public Lecture by Radhika Gajalla [at CIS, Bangalore on 8 July 2011]
Internet Surveillance Policy: “…the second time as farce?” – A Public Lecture by Caspar Bowden [at TERI, Bangalore on 27 June 2011]

CIS is doing a project, ‘Privacy in Asia’. It is funded by Privacy International (PI), UK and the International Development Research Centre, Canada and is being administered in collaboration with the Society and Action Group, Gurgaon. The two-year project commenced on 24 March 2010 and will be completed as agreed to by the stakeholders. It was set up with the objective of raising awareness, sparking civil action and promoting democratic dialogue around challenges and violations of privacy in India. In furtherance of these goals it aims to draft and promote over-arching privacy legislation in India by drawing upon legal and academic resources and consultations with the public.

Featured

Privacy & Media Law (by Sonal Makhija). The research examines the existing media norms governed by Press Council of India, the Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Act, 1995 and the Code of Ethics drafted by the News Broadcasting Standard Authority, the constitutional protection guaranteed to an individual’s right to privacy upheld by the courts, and the reasons the State employs to justify the invasion of privacy.

Comments

Right to Privacy Bill 2010 — A Few Comments (by Elonnai Hickok). CIS has given specific recommendations and specific comments on the Right to Privacy Bill, 2010, which was introduced in the Rajya Sabha by Rajeev Chandrashekhar.

Event Report

Privacy Matters, Guwahati – the event was organised by IDRC, Society in Action Group, IDEA Chirang, an NGO initiative working with grassroots initiatives in Assam, Privacy India and CIS on 23 June 2011.

New Blog Entries

My Experiment with Scam Baiting (by Sahana Sarkar)
When Data Means Privacy, What Traces Are You Leaving Behind? (by Noopur Raval)
Video Surveillance and Its Impact on the Right to Privacy (by Elonnai Hickok)
Consumer Privacy in e-Commerce (by Sahana Sarkar)
An Overview of DNA Labs in India (by Shilpa Narani)
UID: Nothing to Hide, Nothing to Fear? (by Shilpa Narani)

News & Media Coverage

Indian SMEs still fail to harness the power of Net [Sunday Guardian, 19 June 2011]

Sorry Wrong Number [Telegraph, 3 July 2011]

Aadhaar’s moment of truth [Deccan Herald, 5 July 2011]
The Walls Have Ears [Outlook, issue, 11 July 2011]
Transparent Government, via Webcams in India [New York Times, 17 July 2011]; news also published in other languages in wprost (Polish), ictnews (Vietnamese) and @rret sur images(French)
NYT lauds Oommen Chandy’s 24/7 office webcast [Deccan Chronicle, 19 July 2011]
UID: The World’s Largest Biometric Database [International School on Digital Transformation, 21 July 2011]. Sunil Abraham made a presentation.
Facebook, my boyfriend is lousy [Bangalore Mirror, 24 July 2011]

Portal augurs well for transparency [The Hindu, 25 July 2011]

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CIS is grateful to Kusuma Trust which was founded by Anurag Dikshit and Soma Pujari, philanthropists of Indian origin, for its core funding and support for most of its projects.

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/about/newsletters/july-2011-bulletin

Portal augurs well for transparency

praskrishna — 2011-07-26T15:16:47Z

Data.gov.in will have meta-data, which will facilitate discovery of data and access from portals of ministries, says T Ramachandra. The article was published in the Hindu on 25 July 2011.

The unveiling of an official data access and sharing policy and the commissioning of a data portal (data.gov.in), which is on the anvil, will pave the way for digitally opening up the Central government data to the public.

"The data portal will be having meta-data [data about data], which will facilitate the discovery of the data and access from the portals of respective government departments/ministries. At present, the data policy is likely to cover the Central government and all activities funded by the Government of India," said R. Siva Kumar, CEO of National Spatial Data Infrastructure, and head of Natural Resources Data Management System, Department of Science and Technology.

Governmental data-holding organisations will prepare a negative list of non-shareable sensitive data, weighing the need to restrict public access given such considerations as security and privacy, against the obligation to share it with civil society and the scientific community. Apart from this, access to certain categories of data will be restricted.

The broad guidelines spelt out in the Right to Information Act will be followed and the list will be periodically reviewed. "All data outside the negative list will be proactively disseminated, and an oversight committee will facilitate policy implementation," said Dr. Kumar.

But does this mean that the public have to make specific requests for the unlocking of data-sets? “Data will be available through the data portal, and there will be no specific unlocking required. However, access to certain data may be through registration/authorisation,” he responded.

The sharing of such data might be tied to a pricing policy. "Pricing will be decided by the respective department/ministry. However, standardised parameters will be made available as guidelines for fixing the price," he said.

The draft of the proposed National Data Sharing and Accessibility Policy the government published some time ago indicates that the departments themselves can decide whether the data belongs to the ‘open access', ‘registered access,' or ‘restricted access' categories, with the policy neither mandating nor coming up with guidelines on how to do so, said Pranesh Prakash, programme manager, Centre for Internet and Society (CIS), a Bangalore-based NGO.

The CIS has recommended that the policy have the same scope as the RTI Act, and that all ‘public authorities,' as defined under the Act, be covered by it. Only the restricted categories (laid down in Sections 8 and 9 of the RTI Act) should be allowable for ‘restricted access.'

In a study on open government data in the Indian context, the CIS suggested that any policy be oriented towards meeting the requirements of a broad spectrum of citizenry. Specifically, sections that do not get to immediately benefit from advances in information technology. “Data mashing and private sector information products are important goals,” but the government itself should be proactive in creating the applications that show potential uses for the data.

The World Wide Web Consortium (W3C), the global body that sets web standards, has said governments, by putting their data on the Internet, facilitate greater transparency, deliver more efficient public services and encourage greater public and commercial use and re-use of government information.

Anil Bairwal, National Coordinator of the Association for Democratic Reforms, which is involved in disseminating election-related data through its website Electionwatch, says there is “huge public interest” in data, and that accessibility was of prime importance. For instance, election-related data was made available by the authorities in the PDF/image file formats. “This forces us to do a manual interpretation of every affidavit, which consumes a lot of time and energy. It would be helpful if this data was available in a portable open format via an online tool.”

Other countries have already made strides in furthering open data. Prominent examples are the U.K. government website, data.gov.uk, and the U.S. government's www.data.gov website, which is key to President Barack Obama's Open Government Initiative.

Read the original article published in the Hindu here

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/portal-augurs-well-for-transparency

Facebook, my boyfriend is lousy

praskrishna — 2011-07-25T10:07:37Z

While a sizeable chunk of users do not mind living their life in public, oversharing can have nasty repercussions in real life. This article by Sahana Saran was published in the Bangalore Mirror on 24 July 2011.

A wife wrote a bitchy remark about her mother-in-law on Facebook when her husband was out of town. A happy homecoming turned sour when the husband saw the comment. There was a huge showdown which finally led to divorce.

On the flip side, when Savita and Vinay’s (name changed) baby was about to be born a couple of years ago, the couple’s friend live-tweeted the whole childbirth process and the proud parents didn’t mind.

Oversharing on social networks by young people can have damaging results, say internet experts. Why does it happen?

"These days youngsters hook on to social networking sites, and you cannot blame them for seeking each other’s company because that is how they are at that age. There are more restrictions on children these days because of security and abuse issues which the earlier generation may not have encountered. For example, sleepovers which were much common earlier may now not be readily allowed. Their time outside their house is also monitored. Many schools these days have surveillance cameras or some form of curbs that might restrict students from having a private interaction. That is why they seek such interactions through the internet and social networks. Still in India, there is not really a need to press the panic button saying that they are becoming Facebook addicts," says Sunil Abraham, executive director of the Centre for Internet and Society, who is an internet behaviour expert.

Sunil quotes an analysis done in Poland to show how much social networking has become a part of young people’s lives. It showed that teenage girls who meet every day in school, go back home and immediately switch on their PCs and start interacting with each other again. And all through the day, they are on Skype and can see every single thing that each one of them are doing in their rooms in their respective homes. Studies done in the Philipines demonstrate how personal life is becoming public. A study by the Institute of Philippine Culture showed that many of those assessed were on Friendster and allow full access to information on their accounts and readily share details of activities, interests and contacts.

Is the situation different in India? Bhavana, a business management graduate in her 20s, says that what she puts up on her social networking account depends solely on her state of mind. But she ensures that messages are not too personal because earlier she had put up posts which backfired.

"Sometime ago we were celebrating my brother’s birthday and some misunderstanding happened during the celebrations and I was heaped with blame by friends and relatives on FB when I tried to justify myself. I was taken aback. Now, I am more careful about posting messages about sensitive topics," she says.

And when you let people know where you are through Google Latitude, you need to watch against saying offensive things.

"There have been instances of people gate-crashing parties following a Twitter or FB post; in China, mobs of people have attacked those whose views they oppose," adds Sunil.

What makes some people, who would never dream of whipping up controversies in the real world, so reckless when they are online?

"Most often, it is a way of being noticed, of getting attention. Everyone wants to have a popular public profile and telling the world about your opinions and your activities is a way of gaining attention. But new forms of communication are being invented every other day and each has an etiquette of its own," says Sunil.

According to Dr Thomas M J, there are two kinds of people who are the net — attention-seeking and anonymous. The anonymous generally never put personal details about themselves on social networks. "But the other group consists of those who are externally controlled. For such people any open media acts as a place to talk about themselves and they love being in that public space. Moreover, social networks give internet users the courage to say whatever they want because they can avoid face-to-face contact. Even if there is a response, it is muted because because it is not direct and they can escape confrontation," says Thomas.

Read the original article published in Bangalore Mirror here

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/facebook-my-lousy-boyfriend

UID: The World’s Largest Biometric Database

praskrishna — 2011-07-23T02:04:45Z

At the start of his presentation, Sunil Abraham pointed to two aerial drawings of cybercafes: one where each computer was part of a private booth, and one where the computers were in the open so the screens would be visible to any one. Which layout would be more friendly to women, and why, Abraham wanted to know. Some participants selected the first option, liking the idea of the privacy, while others liked the second option so that the cybercafe owner would be able to monitor users’ activities.

Abraham said he was surprised no one said option one looked like masturbation booths, adding that in May, India passed rules prohibiting the first design option to avoid just such an issue. This is despite a survey conducted of female college students, who liked the idea of privacy in cybercafés that typically are male-dominated.

Cybercafes are just one of the areas impacted by India’s plan for collecting and using biometrics to create unique individual identification cards.

Abraham focused his presentation on activists’ efforts to counter the government’s myths about a unique identification (UID) program.

One campaign image showed two soldiers on the border asking for an east-Asian looking person’s identification. The way to balance, or rectify, the drawing, Abraham said, would be to allow citizens to be able to ask the soldiers for the identification information.

The campaign, “Rethink UID Project,” included several images illustrating various problems with the plan. For example, one said: “Central storage of keys is a bad idea, so is central storage of our biometrics.” As Abraham explained, if storing a copy of your housekey at the police station does not make us feel more secure, then why wouldn’t storing our biometrics with the government also make us a little more scared?

In the Indian scheme, Abraham said, the government says biometrics will be used as an authentication factor in order to prove your identity, but from a computer science perspective, it’s a bad idea because it is so easy to steal biometrics. And, as Abraham pointed out, if your biometrics are stolen, it’s not possible for you to re-secure it—it’s not like getting a new ATM card and password, he said.

If this system of national UID was designed using digital keys instead of biometrics, then we would have a completely different configuration, Abraham said.

Centralized storage is nonnegotiable, and therefore the process of authentification is done through a centralized database, but with digital keys or digital signatures, authentification could be done on a peer basis, so citizen could authenticate border guards and vice versa.

Another image from the “Rethink UID Project” campaign pointed out that “Technology cannot solve corruption.” As Abraham said, problems of corruption in the subsidy system (food, loans, education, employment guarantee act in rural India, etc) won’t be fixed with biometrics. For example, if biometric equipment is installed at fair-price shops, before the shop owner gives the grain, the citizen would have to present biometrics, which would go through a centralized server and be authenticated, then the citizen would get the grain, and ultimately there would be a record saying this particular citizen collected this amount of subsidized grain at this particular time.

But there are a whole range of ways shop owners can compromise the system, Abraham said.

The first way: 30-50 percent of India is illiterate, so shop owner can say the biometrics were rejected by the server and the citizen would not know better. Or, the owner can say there was no connectivity so authentification didn’t go through, or the owner could say there was no electricity so the system won’t work, or the shop owner could give just part of the grain that the citizen is due.

Corruption innovates and terrorism innovates—if technology innovates, so does corruption, as it is not a static phenomenon, Abraham said. You can’t wish away human beings from technological configurations.

One village will have multiple biometric readers.

Abraham said they have proposed an alternative schema: remove readers from the shop, school, hospital, bank, etc., and have only one scanner at the local governance hall. Instead of the citizen becoming transparent to the government, the government should become transparent to the citizen. The shop owners should make transparent which IDs they have given how much grain to, and only if they are going to dispute the ID of a citizen, can they go to the local government administrative office to prove the ID.

Another image from the “Rethink UID Project” campaign said, “The poor and the rich: who do we track first?”

Abraham explained that one problem in India is “black money,” or money for which you don’t pay taxes because the accounts are in fake names in order to store money. Like creating fake bank accounts, he said it also would be easy to create fake biometrics by combining the handprints and eyes of multiple people to get a second fake ID. Also the system could be hacked into and iris images Photoshopped. Ghost ideas also could be created and then sold off. Because the rich will get their IDs behind closed doors, Abraham said, it will be easy for them to get multiple IDs, but the poor will not be able to.

Referring to “tailgating,” or when one ID is card swiped to gain entrance for multiple people, such as swiping one metro card and then two people walking through, Abraham noted that the problem is that the tailgating only is seen as a problem when it’s at the bottom of the pyramid, such as one woman goes to the fair-price shop to collect grain for five or six families so only one person has to lose a day’s wage instead of all five or six losing a day’s wages. Tailgating at the bottom if the pyramid is usually a question of survival, he said.

Thus, another image from the campaign showed a pyramid and said, “Transparency at the top first…before transparency at the bottom.”

The first principle is that expectations of privacy should be inversely proportional to power, so people who are really powerful, like NGOs, politicians, or heads of corporations, should have less privacy, and people who have very little power should have more privacy, Abraham said.

Also, from a business perspective, the nation gets greater return on its investment if surveillance equipment is trained on people at the top of the pyramid to catch big-time corruption, he said.

Most of the panic around the UID is over the transaction database. Beyond a databse storing everyone’s biometrics, another database will track transactions: every time you buy a mobile phone or purchase a ticket or access a cyber cafe or subsidies, thanks to UID, there will a record made in the transaction database, Abraham said.

Abraham said it is important to note that surveillance is not an intrinsic part of information systems, but once surveillance is engineered into information systems, both those with good intentions or bad intentions can take advantage of that surveillance capability.

The UID means there will be 22 databases available to 12 intelligence agencies, he said.

So when a girl enters into a cybercafé, first she will have to provide her UID, and then the café owner will photocopy the card, then the owner has the right to take a photo of the girl using his own camera, then the owner is supposed to maintain browser logs of her computer for a period of one year.

So the question then is how to assure accountability without surveillance?

The first possibility, Abraham said, is partial storage. The transaction database could store half the data, and the central database could store the other half, so the full 360-view of the data would not be available without a court order.

The second solution is a transaction escrow, where every time a record is put into the main database, it will be encrypted using 2-3 keys, and only if 3 agencies cooperate with keys, can the information be decrypted. Thus, it is targeted surveillance, not blanket surveillance.

To conclude his presentation, Abraham divided participants into four groups in order to design surveillance systems for internet surveillance, mobile technologies, CCTVs, and border control.

Sharon Strover spoke on behalf of the CCTV group, saying they ended up with more questions than anything else. They agreed there should be notices when cameras are in use, there should be public knowledge of who is doing surveillance and who has access to the footage, and the data shouldn’t be sold. But the group couldn’t decide which spaces warranted CCTVs and which not.

Abraham then pointed out that the next generation of CCTVs can read everybody’s irises as they pass the cameras—it’s in the lab now, and 2-3 years from the market, he said.

Next, Andy Carvin spoke on behalf of the mobile technologies surveillance group. Whether or not capturing metadata or content as well, the mobile phone company can collect it, but it shouldn’t be able to keep any identifiable information for the person – it should only be able to look at information in the aggregate. The rest of the information should be shipped to a non-governmental organization or government agency specialized in privacy, and 2 keys would be required: one from the judiciary and one from the NGO or governmental agency.

Smári McCarthy reported back for the Internet surveillance group, pointing out that data retention has been useful in criminal cases less than 0.2 percent of the time in one study, and another showed there has been no statistically significant increase in the number of criminal cases solved because of data retention. So, he said, the group concluded there should be no blanket surveillance, only court orders in certain criminal cases that define who will be under surveillance and for how long. Also, they wanted to see a transparency register available so the public could be informed about how many people are under surveillance currently and throughout year and other general information, such as the success rate—how many of these surveillances have led to criminal convictions or similar.

Finally, Summer Harlow spoke on behalf of the border control group, which said scanning of checked- and carry-on luggage is acceptable, but there should be no luggage searches without specific probable cause from intelligence agencies or if the scans pick up weapons or other contraband. Similarly, people could be subject to spectrum scans and drug/bomb sniffing dogs for weapons and contraband, but again they would not be physically searched by border agents without probable cause. Also, people and luggage could not randomly be searched based on the country of their passport or their flight destination or origin.

In summary, Abraham said, surveillance is like salt in food: it is essential in small amounts, but completely counter-productive if even slightly excessive.

Download Sunil's presentation here [PDF, 1389 kb]
Sunil Abraham made the presentation at the Gary Chapman International School on Digital Transformation on 21 July 2011. The original news published by International School on Digital Transformation can be read here
Read the schedule here

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/uid-worlds-largest-database

People are Knowledge – Experimenting with Oral Citations on Wikipedia

praskrishna — 2012-12-14T10:26:31Z

The Centre for Internet and Society in association with the Wikimedia Foundation has produced a documentary film "People are Knowledge". The film evolved out of a project on Oral Citations in India and South Africa funded by the Wikimedia Foundation, and undertaken by Wikimedia Foundation Advisory Board Member Achal Prabhala as a short-term fellowship, to help overcome a lack of published materials in emerging languages on Wikipedia. New Delhi-based filmmaker Priya Sen has directed the film, with additional assistance from Zen Marie who handled the shooting in South Africa. The film explores how alternate methods of citation could be employed on Wikipedia, documenting a series of specific situations with regards to published knowledge, and subsequently, with oral citations.

The Problem

Imagine a world with every individual having open access to the sum of human knowledge. But there is a problem — the sum of human knowledge is far greater than the sum of printed knowledge. For example, in India and South Africa, the number of books produced every year is nowhere near to the number of books being producing in UK. There is very little citable, printed material to rely on in the indigenous languages of India or South Africa. So it is difficult for the languages of these countries to grow its own Wikipedia. While there are significant media markets for Indian languages within and outside India, there is very little scholarly publishing in any language other than English. On the other hand, South African languages with the exception of English and Afrikaans have had a largely oral existence and only in recent times have started a publishing tradition, which is in nascent stages.

Total Production of Books in UK, South Africa and India as of 2005

UK: 161,000 books / 60 million people
South Africa: 6100 books/48 million people
India: 97,000 books/1100 million people

If we were to measure books produced in 2005 per person per country, the comparison is even more glaring:

UK: 1 book per 372 people
South Africa: 1 book per 7869 people
India: 1 book per 11,371 people

Source: Wikimedia page on Research: Oral Citations. For more details see here

As a result of such disparity, everyday, common knowledge — things known, observed and performed by millions of people — do not enter Wikipedia as facts because they haven’t been written down in a reliably published source. Hence, Wikipedia in countries like India and South Africa lose out on opportunities for growth.

While we are enthused about the rise of “small language Wikipedias”, it may not happen soon. Not with the present rules at least. Even if we were to convince every single person in the South with Internet access to become an active editor on Wikipedia, there is still a problem that they are going to run up against. That problem that currently bedevils everyone working in local languages in Asia and Africa, and nobody seems to have a control over it.

For Wikipedias in languages of the South, citations aren’t a problem when the articles being added are translations (for universally important topics, reliable citations are already there in English and other European languages). Assuming, however, that we all want the sphere of knowledge to be universally expanded — and not merely translated from languages of the North to languages of the South — there are two specific problems with finding citations for important local subject matters.

Published, citable resources may simply not exist. This is not just true of Sub-Saharan African languages (many of which use Latin script, have a relatively recent written history, and small or non-existent publishing markets) but also of several South Asian languages (even though they have non-Latin scripts, a relatively ancient written history and thriving publishing markets in news and entertainment).
Even when published scholarly resources exist, they may be inaccessible and thus effectively rendered invisible to Wikipedians. Libraries and archives in India and South Africa are usually not electronically indexed. Furthermore, they are not always conveniently located, and often impose a massive bureaucratic burden on the user to search, see, borrow from or even enter.

Oral Citations as a Possible Solution

Hindi Wikipedia has over 65,000 articles, Malayalam Wikipedia has about 15,000, and Northern Sotho Wikipedia has about 600. Many of these articles — especially when concerning subjects that are specific to a particular people or place — have no citations whatsoever. Yet, an editor — often several editors — created the articles in question. How? Simply put, and barring laziness and carelessness where citations are available, the basis of fact therein is orally circulated knowledge. Even today, in several parts of the world, people are knowledge. Therefore, an exercise where oral citations are collected and assembled — in a manner not different to that by which print sources are cited on Wikipedia, i.e., with diverse viewpoints, several sources, a rationale for authenticity — might be one way to capture this knowledge in a form that is recognisable to Wikipedia.

Anthropologists have been doing this for years — in the academy, it is called field work. The average Wikipedians certainly don’t have the capacity to replicate the arduous research programme of a doctoral student but they do have common sense and access to basic telecommunication facilities. So oral citations can:

Create externally verifiable authentication for a Wikipedia article that is based on experiential facts, but lacks citations simply because no printed source has recorded these facts to date.
Add to the set of published scholarly resources that document an existing fact, for example, in cases where the published sources are archaic or primarily foreign, and thus complete existing knowledge or correct its biases.

The Experiment

Achal Prabhala worked with Wikipedians across three languages in two different countries — Malayalam (40 million speakers) and Hindi (250 million speakers) in India and Northern Sotho (5 million speakers) in South Africa to see how oral citations might be received in the language communities they can benefit, discuss this idea with Wikipedians at large, not as a final solution but as a first step in understanding how we may expand our definition of reliable sources of knowledge beyond what is published in print, and what benefits such an expansion may bring and show this is an idea that takes hold, to create a set of clearly laid-out initial templates that others can use and build upon. Four collaborators: Shiju Alex, Mayur, Mohau Monaledi and Achal Prabhala, with additional help from Vijayakumar Blathur were finalised. Parts of the experiment were then filmed as an edited documentary.

The Pitfalls

There are numerous potential pitfalls[1] the most glaring of which is the principle of ‘No original research’. Naturally, we’re going to have to find a way to justify our approach, or work around it, or expand its meaning. Several people will welcome it, several people will object on all kinds of grounds, and several others possibly misusing and misinterpreting oral citations (i.e., without care to authenticity, diversity of opinion) in their work on Wikipedia.

However, this is the right thing to do. The problem is real. The solution being presented is a first step, not a final answer. Sure, people might have a problem with it, and sure, there may be heated objections to it; but overall, if it’s the right thing to do, it should be done, however strange it seems and however unsettling it is.

After all, if the status quo had to be respected absolutely, we wouldn’t have Wikipedia.

Note

[1]On a side note, Achal says that the pitfall to the pitfall is the status quo: literally thousands of articles without any citations whatsoever, a problem that no one notices because they’re in languages that the majority of current editors on Wikipedia do not understand – and a problem which is often overlooked by language communities in the south in favour of growth.

For recorded interviews, click here

Watch the movie below:

People are Knowledge (subtitled) from Achal R. Prabhala on Vimeo.

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/openness/blog-old/people-are-knowledge

Privacy Matters, Guwahati — Event Report

praskrishna — 2011-08-26T10:31:08Z

On June 23, a public seminar on “Privacy Matters” was held at the Don Bosco Institute in Karhulli, Guwahati. It was organised by IDRC, Society in Action Group, IDEA Chirang, an NGO initiative working with grassroots initiatives in Assam, Privacy India and CIS and was attended by RTI activists and grass roots NGO representatives from across the North Eastern region: Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura, Nagaland, Assam and Sikkim. The event focused on the challenges and concerns of privacy in India.

Unfortunately many of the scheduled invitees had to drop out owing to developments on the Lokpal issue at the Centre, and simultaneously Guwahati was witnessing unrest following an agitation over land rights that left three persons dead.

Welcoming the participants, Prashant Iyengar, lead researcher for Privacy India, gave an introduction to the objectives of Privacy India, and briefed the gathering about the thematic “Privacy Matters” consultations previously held across the country in Kolkata, Bangalore and Ahmedabad. Mr. Iyengar also gave a background to issues that India is facing in concern with privacy, explaining the many contexts that privacy can be found in, and raising questions such as: Why is privacy important? How can it be maintained with the way technology is encroaching upon our lives? And how can we make privacy laws functional?

"Privacy objectives are to raise awareness, spark civil action and promote democratic dialogue around privacy challenges and violations in India. One of Privacy India’s goals is to build consensus towards the promulgation of a comprehensive privacy legislation in India through consultation with the public, legislators and the legal and academic community."

Prashant Iyengar, Privacy India.

Event Sessions

The structure of the event was one of open discussion, with presentations made by those who wanted to share. Throughout the day, the conversation fell into three main topics including: privacy and the RTI, privacy and the UID, and privacy and surveillance in the context of North East India.

Privacy and the RTI

Prashant Iyengar opened the discussion on privacy and the RTI by highlighting the tension between the need for transparency of the State, and the need to protect the privacy of public figures. For many participants privacy and transparency was a new concept that they had just started thinking about. Participant Rakesh (HRLN, Manipur) spoke on the shortcomings that he saw in the RTI Act noting that though the RTI brings some transparency to society, many citizens still do not understand the extent of their Right to Information as it is protected under the Act. Furthermore, the RTI Act is still not applied equally across the country, and the transparency that the RTI tries to achieve is still in very nascent stages. Lowang, a participant from Aru nachal Pradesh, shared the importance of drawing a line between privacy and transparency when it comes to information related to education and health. Anjuman Azra Begum, a research scholar working on indigenous people rights, noted the irony of the RTI as it is meant to bring transparency to the state, yet all ministers and MLA’s take an oath of secrecy, not transparency. Anjuman also spoke on the fact that the RTI often fails to protect the privacy of sensitive issues, such as sexual balance. She echoed Rakesh’s comment on the inaccessibility of the RTI, sharing that for a common person to exercise his/her rights is a very daunting task. Anthony Debbarmun, a human rights activist from Tripura noted that he felt that the North Eastern states are by and large seen as resource (land) by the centre and has shown no concern for citizens and their well-being. Government is seen as a dictator in this region, hence the question — Transparency for whom?, Privacy for Whom? The distinction between the transparency brought about by the RTI and individual privacy was also made. It was pointed out that the RTI is concerned with transparency of the State, but individual privacy is separate from this concept.

Personal Experiences Shared

Anjuman Azra Begum shared her sister’s experience with the RTI. Her sister had applied for a job in 2008. Their family filed an RTI for details of the procedure, but was denied details by the RTI officer, who said that furnishing details would violate the privacy of other candidates. This example raises questions about when it is appropriate for RTI officers to withhold information in the name of privacy, and what mechanisms can be put in place to ensure that the RTI does not use privacy as a way to deny information. Lowang also shared his experience with the RTI. He had filed an RTI asking for answer sheets because he doubted the appointment of police personnel. He was told that the cost in total would be Rs.2000, when in reality each sheet costs Rs.2 — the misconstruing of facts was another example of how RTI officials restrict access information indirectly. From these examples the concern about RTI officials using privacy as an excuse to deny information was brought to the surface. To highlight the problems with the current implementation of the RTI and the lack of basic knowledge of how to use the RTI Mhao Lotha from the DICE Foundation shared a personal experience of his friend who had filed an RTI against the fishery department, and the RTI official simply shouted at her. L. Rima told a similar story as Mhao Lotha. In her experience the RTI is good in theory, but in practice it has become a commercial platform, where officers pay money to applicants for RTI cases to be taken off.

From the discussion and the shared experiences it was clear that the RTI, although a strong law on paper, still faces many challenges in implementation that a privacy law could also face, and that the fact that if more privacy is brought into the RTI, it will become yet another way for the State to avoid disclosing information.

Questions to Consider

Can a privacy law be made to be functional in the same way that the RTI is functional?
In terms of the RTI who should have more privacy? Who should be more transparent? Can NGOs be held accountable under the RTI?
What mechanism should be established to enforce the balance between privacy and transparency?

Privacy and Security/Law Enforcement in the North East of India

Another important discussion held during the conference was the practices of law enforcement in the North East, security, and privacy. Because the North East is in a state of armed conflict several laws such as the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, Sedition Act and provisions in the IPC give immunity to security forces. This has led to gross violation of citizens’ privacy by law enforcement agencies — as the acts give large amounts

of power to law enforcement agencies with little or no accountability, and the acts are often misused. Furthermore, the security laws that exist in the North East explicitly prohibit access to individual personal information. For example, in the Assam Police Manual, which is followed by police in the North East — no papers can be given out to the public except to the investigation officer — this includes personal information such as medical records and post-mortem reports. Anjuman shared an example of how this rule violates individual privacy. In her example, a victim was not allowed access her own medical report, but her medical records were being circulated among police, doctors, and media. This example highlights how privacy and the right to information can go hand in hand as it was the victim’s right to access her own medical file, and at the same time getting access to her own medical file is an act of personal privacy protection.

Personal Experiences Shared

Participants shared how individual privacy is often violated by the army, as it is allowed to enter and search any space without warrant, if there is any type of “suspicion”. They also shared how phone tapping and random monitoring is a common practice by both the army and civil police. For example, one day the police recorded a conversation by Director of the Police, Wireless who was giving a lecture on how to lead an effective agitation. The transcript was handed to the high court and the director punished. Other examples include policemen frisking women in public, newspapers publishing police frisking women in public, and law enforcement agencies compelling pregnant women to give birth in open in front of people. The discussion surrounding privacy and security/law enforcement highlighted an important way in which privacy is violated in the North East. The unregulated action of law enforcement acts as a very real and dangerous way in which individual privacy is violated on a daily basis.

Questions to Consider

Can privacy legislation regulate the acts of law enforcement agencies?
Will privacy legislation be implemented differently in the North East because of the armed conflict?
Will a privacy law supersede other laws such as the AFSPA?

Privacy and the UID

During the conference the discussion also briefly focused on the UID and privacy. It was shared that there had yet to be UID consultations in the North East of India. The only information individuals had about the UID was that it was going to allow individuals to access BPL benefits more easily.

Questions around the UID included: why is the UID needed for citizens living within their own country? How will the UID impact and help families who send their children to gather rations from the ration shops? What is the connection between the UID and the expected privacy law? What is the connection between the UID and intelligence agencies? What would UID mean to people living in border areas?

Conclusion

Privacy as a Fundamental Right

In the closing discussion Prashant Iyengar shared different examples of privacy in Indian case law, and the various ways in which the Supreme Court has defined privacy as a right that is implicit in the right to life. The participants discussed what privacy means to them, and what they thought a right to privacy should entail. Among the points raised, it was brought up that privacy should be a right that is legally protected for sovereign individuals. The law should also include parameters and limitations in order to protect an individual’s autonomy. Furthermore, privacy should be understood and linked to the concept of human rights and individual rights. From the closing session, and the above sessions many themes and questions pertaining to privacy came out that will need to be addressed when considering the way forward for a privacy legislation including:

Property rights and privacy
Privacy rights of minorities
Privacy and the UID
Privacy and law enforcement agencies
Privacy as a fundamental right
The interplay of privacy law and traditional law

Download the Event Report here [PDF, 178 kb]

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/privacy/privacy-guwahati-report

Webcam Anti-Corruption in India (NY Times)

praskrishna — 2011-07-20T09:59:46Z

In India, Oomen Chandy (67), governor of the state of Kerala, who wants to fight against corruption, has installed a webcam filming his office 24 hours on 24 and another who is filming one of his assistants, reports The New York Times. This news by Gilles Klein was published in @rret Sur Images on 18 July 2011.

"Plutôt que de prendre des mesures contre la corruption, je pense qu'il faut créer une atmosphère de transparence", indique Chandy.

"Environ 100 000 Internautes se sont connectés au flux vidéo depuis son ouverture depuis le 1er juillet, et vendredi dernier, il avait été visionné par 293 586 utilisateurs." Mais il n'y a pas de son : "Le gouverneur souhaite que ses visiteurs puissent s'exprimer librement quand ils rencontrent".

"Sunil Abraham, directeur du Center for Internet and Society de Bengalore salue les webcams de Chandy même si c'est symbolique. (...) Bien sûr, remarque-t-il, si les gens veulent verser un pot de vin, ils le feront en dehors du bureau. Mr Abraham ajoute que les caméras seraient bien plus efficaces si elles étaient installées dans les postes de police, dans les services du permis de conduire, dans les bureaux de l'aide sociale où les fonctionnaires demandent des pourboires pour effectuer des démarches banales. Quelques services officiels le font dans le pays, mais pas la majorité."

Le New York Times rappelle que le geste de Chandy est significatif, dans un pays qui connaît des scandales de corruption à répétition: "L'ancien ministre des télécommunications est en prison pour avoir fait perdre 40 milliards de dollars au gourernement lors de l'attribution des licenses de téléphonie mobile."

A Bengalore, le patron d'un fournisseur d'électricité, propriété de l'Etat, avait une webcam dans son bureau mais il ne diffuse plus le flux vidéo sur le site de l'entreprise, il faudra demander à le visionner : "Mes collègues me demandaient si j'essayais de prouver que j'étais le seul à être honnête", témoigne-t-il. Il aimerait bien que le gouvernement indien rende les caméras obligatoires.

Read the story published in @rret Sur Images here

Read the story published in New York Times here

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/webcam-anti-corruption-in-india

NYT lauds Oommen Chandy’s 24/7 office webcast

praskrishna — 2011-07-20T07:06:21Z

The Kerala chief minister Mr Oommen Chandy’s much hyped 24/7 webcast of his office has received global attention with the New York Times coming out with an article on the initiative.

The paper has termed the web-streaming of the chief minister’s office as an anti corruption experiment.

"In an India beset by kickbacks scandals at the highest reaches of the government, and where petty bribes at police stations and motor vehicles departments are often considered as a matter of course, Oommen Chandy is making an online stand," the article points out.

But the paper also quotes Mr Sunil Abraham, the executive director of Bengaluru based Centre for Internet and Society, who finds the effort no more than tokenism.

However, Mr Abraham says, "This type of tokenism is also quite useful as it might check the behaviour of not only the chief minister but also his underlings and the powerful executives and politicians who come to visit him."

Mr Abraham says webcams might be far more powerful tool if installed in police stations, drivers licenses offices, welfare agencies and other places where people interact with officials who sometimes demand bribe to do routine work.

However, he adds that the people who intent to pay bribe could probably still do it outside the offices.

This news was published in the Deccan Chronicle on 19 July 2011. It can be read here

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/nyt-lauds-oommen-chandy

Transparent Government, via Webcams in India

praskrishna — 2011-07-21T05:41:53Z

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM, India — Little Brother is watching you. That is the premise for the webcam that a top government official here has installed in his office, as an anticorruption experiment. Goings-on in his chamber are viewable to the public, 24/7.

The chief minister of Kerala state in India has installed a webcam in his office and puts the feed online as an anticorruption measure.

In an India beset by kickback scandals at the highest reaches of government, and where petty bribes at police stations and motor vehicle departments are often considered a matter of course, Oommen Chandy is making an online stand.

"Instead of taking action against corruption, I believe that we have to create an atmosphere where everything should be in a transparent way," Mr. Chandy, who recently became chief minister of Kerala state after his coalition won a close election, said in an interview in his office. "The people must know everything."

About 100,000 visitors logged in to the video feed on the day it began, July 1. And through last Friday afternoon, it had been visited by 293,586 users.

The chief minister — equivalent to an American governor — gave the interview during a break in negotiations with leaders of the state’s private colleges over the fees they can charge students.

Although the proceedings were being streamed on his office’s Web site, as with everything captured by the webcam there was no audio. (The minister says he wants visitors and aides to speak freely when they meet him.)

Sunil Abraham, the executive director of the Center for Internet and Society in Bangalore, said he applauded Mr. Chandy’s webcams, even if the effort amounted to no more than tokenism.

"This type of tokenism is also quite useful," said Mr. Abraham, predicting it might check the behavior of not only the chief minister, but also his underlings and the powerful executives and politicians who come to visit him.

Of course, he noted, if people are intent on paying bribes, they could probably still do it outside the office.

Mr. Abraham said webcams might be a far more powerful tool if installed in police stations, drivers’ licenses offices, welfare agencies and other places where Indians interact with officials who sometimes demand bribes to do routine work. A few agencies around the country have started such surveillance, he said, but most have not.

Mr. Chandy’s effort comes as India has been racked by one corruption scandal after another. A former federal telecommunications minister is sitting in jail on charges that he gave cellphone licenses to favored companies, costing the government as much as $40 billion. Several corporate executives, an official involved in planning the Commonwealth Games and the scion of a political family are also behind bars while being tried on various corruption charges.

But transparency is tedious. For most of the day, as the videos stream from the Chandy chambers, the chief minister is either out of the office or sitting with aides and other politicians. The video from a second camera, trained on the outside chamber, shows aides at their desks answering phones or staring into their computer screens.

A career politician and a member of the ruling Congress party, Mr. Chandy, 67, had a webcam in his office when he was chief minister for two years from 2004 to 2006. But his successor, the leader of a communist coalition government, removed the device when he took over. Now in the opposition, the communists deride the webcams as a publicity stunt.

But others see virtue in such efforts, even if the details are still being refined.

In Bangalore, the top executive of a government-owned electricity utility has been using a webcam in his office. The official, P. Manivannan, said he was now installing a "hemispheric" camera that would capture the goings-on in his entire office rather than just show his visitors.

But he said he would no longer broadcast the video stream to the Web site of the Bangalore Electricity Supply Company.

"I have been getting a lot of brickbats because of the cameras,” Mr. Manivannan said in a telephone interview. "My colleagues were telling me, 'What are you trying to prove — that you are the only honest one?' "

Once the new camera is installed, Mr. Manivannan said it would record everything. But anyone interested in viewing segments of the video would have to request the clips, at no cost. That should ease tension in the office, he said, while still keeping things on the up and up.

He said he had success with a similar camera when he was in the city government and some politicians threatened to call a strike unless he reinstated a fired employee. The politicians backed off, Mr. Manivannan said, when he threatened to give a recording of their meeting to local television stations.

"I definitely believe that putting a camera helps you prove that you are accountable," he said. "I would be very happy if tomorrow the government of India decided you must have a camera."

A version of this article appeared in print on July 18, 2011, on page B3 of the New York edition with the headline: Transparent Government, Via Webcams in India.

This news by Vikas Bajaj was published in the New York Times on 17 July 2011. It can be read here. (Photo of Oommen Chandy, the Chief Minister of Kerala taken by Sanjit Das for the New York Times)

The above news was published in other languages as well:

Read the news in wprost here [Polish]
Read the news in ictnews here [Vietnamese]
Read the news in@rret sur images here [French]

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/transparent-government-india

Accessibility Policy Making: An International Perspective (Revised Edition 2011)

praskrishna — 2012-12-14T10:27:00Z

A G3ict White Paper researched and edited by the Center for Internet and Society, Bangalore, India. Editor: Nirmita Narasimhan, Revised edition: May 2011

In 2009, G3ict published a comparative review of the web and electronic accessibility policies of 15 countries and the European Union intended to serve as a guide to policy makers on how web accessibility has been implemented in different countries. Since then, there have been several relevant developments in the policy landscape, especially in the United States and the United Kingdom. The White Paper has been updated to keep abreast of these new changes. Some highlights of the revised White Paper include the updated version of Australia's Disability Discrimination Act Advisory Notes, issued by the Australian Human Rights Commission under the Disability Discrimination Act 1992 in October 2010; the Equality Act 2010 (replacing the Disability Discrimination Act), The Statutory Code of Practice (2010), BS8878:2010 Web accessibility Code of practice replacing the PAS 78 and the e-Accessibility action plan in the U.K.; and the 21st Century Communications and Video Accessibility Act of 2010 in the U.S.A.

The published G3ict White Paper is available here
Click here to download the White Paper [Word Document, 232 KB]

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/accessibility/blog/accessibility-policy-international-perspective

The Walls Have Ears

praskrishna — 2011-07-06T06:26:25Z

The proposed Privacy Bill seems skewed towards the state rather than the citizen, writes Saikat Datta. This news was published in the Outlook magazine, issue, July 11, 2011.

Sometimes the best of intentions can camouflage the worst of motives. On the face of it, the government’s bid to bring in a privacy bill is a welcome move, a long-overdue measure. But after an initial approach paper prepared by lawyers and bureaucrats in November last year, the government went into a secretive huddle. Now a leaked April 19, 2011, version of the bill raises several disturbing questions.

"The idea behind it was to protect privacy but not short-circuit the current systems to combat terror."

K.M. Chandrashekhar, Ex-cabinet secretary

While recognising the need for privacy, the government has also slipped in several clauses that could severely restrict the freedom of the press if enacted in its current form. Worse, it could actually make journalists liable for prosecution as well as imprisonment up to five years. And if that was not bad enough, it does little or nothing to prevent the government from invading a citizen’s privacy. In fact, it will legitimise all forms of intrusion by the state and collection of a wide variety of data from individuals.

TV news channels could be the most affected by this. Sting operations could become a very risky thing in the future, with section four of the proposed bill saying that any form of filming/recording can be deemed as surveillance and anyone doing so without proper authorisation would be liable for prosecution. So if someone was to secretly catch on camera MPs accepting cash for posing questions in Parliament, or record a bureaucrat demanding bribes, chances are he/she will be doing time in jail.

While the proposed draft draws a distinction between data and personal information, it still leaves little room for journalists. For instance, if a reporter were to use "personal information" of an individual for an article without his/her written consent, it will amount to a civil offence and immediately attract a penalty of up to Rs. 1 lakh. If the journalists were to repeat the "offence" by publishing another story using the same material, the penalty goes up to Rs. 5 lakh. So, is the UPA government, under the scanner for a plethora of scams, trying to muzzle the media? It certainly seems so.

"The bill, in its current form, brings an element of pre-censorship that violates our right to speech. It’s disturbing."

Now when it comes to the government’s right to invade a citizen’s privacy, the proposed legislation offers little immunity. It will uphold all existing laws of phone-tapping, interception of communications, collection of statistics and personal data with impunity. "The proposed bill doesn’t change any system or structure of surveillance that are in place today," says Usha Ramanathan, a law researcher who has worked extensively on privacy issues. "Look at the Collection of Statistics Act passed by Parliament last year. You can be penalised for not sharing the information that the government seeks from you. This is very disturbing."

Usha Ramanathan, Law Researcher

Ramanathan’s discomfiture has its reasons. "In the past three years, the government has become far more intrusive than it ever was. All this is asserting the sovereignty of the state over the citizen when the Constitution says that the citizen is supreme. This bill, in its current form, also brings in an element of pre-censorship that violates our fundamental right to speech as well as several judgements of the Supreme Court that ruled against pre-censorship."

On the other hand, former cabinet secretary K.M. Chandrashekhar, a prime mover behind the bill during his tenure, feels that the security needs of the state warrant "lawful" intrusion by it. “The idea was to protect privacy but not short-circuit the current surveillance systems in place for combating terrorism."

"While we accept the primacy of public interest, we must be very, very careful about what is public interest."
Satyananda Mishra, CIC

As far as protecting privacy is concerned, of course all is not bad with the proposed bill. Prashant Iyengar, a researcher with the Centre for Internet and Society (CIS), a Bangalore-based NGO that has played a leading role in shaping the public discourse on this issue, is hopeful. "For the first time, this bill creates a strong liability for the government. This means that the government can be held liable and penalised for the violation of privacy. It also establishes a routine civil liability against the government for all its lapses in protecting the privacy of citizens... which is very good.” But Prashant also feels that the bill has a long way to go before it resolves some inherent contradictions. “The proposed Act must recognise the concept of public interest while it protects privacy. That is an element missing from the current discourse."

Satyananda Mishra, the chief information commissioner and a former secretary, DoPT, has a nuanced view of the proposed bill. He feels public interest must outweigh privacy in every case. "But while we accept the primacy of public interest, we must be very, very careful about what is public interest," he says.

Mishra, in many ways the country’s biggest trustee of transparency in public life today, suggests a few key modifications in the conditions in the proposed legislature. "We need to understand that after the enactment of the RTI Act, it has become incumbent upon us to have some form of inherent disclosure in all our public dealings. This will also safeguard our privacy from the government."

The relationship between citizen and government, says Mishra, is guided by a social contract. "People elect governments and trust them with their lives and liberty in the promise that the government will exercise its powers for their welfare. But there could be instances where the government breaks that promise. It could legitimately tap someone’s phone through legal means, but with malicious intent."

To prevent this, Mishra suggests a modification to the proposed Privacy Act. "Let there be disclosure of all such events, after a reasonable period of time, of any effort by the government to invade the privacy of citizens. For instance, if it needs to tap the phones of a person, then it must be disclosed after a period of time. After all, phones can be tapped legally only to protect the interests of the state. So it should either lead to a criminal prosecution or a disclosure after a reasonable amount of time has elapsed. That is the only way we will be able to curb the intrusive powers of the state and protect the privacy of citizens." Prashant of CIS agrees with Mishra’s suggestion. "In the United States, all wire-tapping laws have a clause for disclosure. This way, a citizen will know if his privacy has been violated lawfully or not."

Now if a reporter were to use "personal info" without consent, it will mean a civil offence, a penalty of Rs. 1 lakh.

While the government will take its time to introduce the bill in Parliament, it needs to be more transparent in its deliberations. Right now two ministries are working simultaneously on the same bill. While the ministry of law and justice under Veerappa Moily is busy shaping its draft, the ministry of personnel, training and public grievances under the prime minister is busy formulating its own version. While they work on it, what both ministries must recognise is that nothing is private about public policy.

Click here to see the story originally published by Outlook

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/walls-have-ears

Aadhaar’s moment of truth

praskrishna — 2011-07-05T07:16:58Z

It’s time for the unique identity project to answer tough questions it has dodged so far, writes MA Arun in the Deccan Herald.

On June 25, 2009, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh generated one of the biggest feel-good headlines of UPA2. He appointed former Infosys CEO Nandan Nilekani as Chairperson of Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), which had been set up to assign a unique number to every resident of the country.

UIDAI – billed as the world’s largest e-governance project – presented a numbing technical challenge. Fingerprint and iris samples of one billion plus Indian residents had to be collected along with details of name, gender, birth date and address. A unique identity had to be assigned to each resident in return and then authenticate it online whenever called for.

Nilekani using his stature in the IT industry assembled a smart team of engineers, who could take the challenge head on. He also started tirelessly crisscrossing the country promoting the project and tying up with different government agencies and PSUs.

He addressed countless gatherings conveying a simple message: Indian growth has bypassed the poor and giving them legal identity was the first step in acknowledging their existence and making government services accessible.

In the last two years, there has been a little change in his script and in the response of the audience, which has by and large remained breathless and adulatory. There have been a few jarring notes. Once in a while he is accosted by individuals and organisations, who say the project takes away their privacy.

Most memorably, on January 7, 2011, Nilekani faced an uncharacteristically unruly audience at IISc, Bangalore, which demanded strong protection to privacy. People who attended the meeting found Nilekani evasive as protesting students waved placards outside the venue, urging him to go back.

But for the media, this reporter included, the dissenting opinion from possibly fringe protesters, sounded exaggerated, making too much of a small issue, debating an academic issue of little practical value.

Perhaps reflecting the larger prevailing sentiments on Aadhaar, Sujeet Pillai of Feecounter, says with the rise of social networking, privacy has already eroded. "We put more information on Facebook and Twitter than we share with Aadhaar. The benefits of the project outweigh the cost," he adds.

Many say it is only the middleclass which worries about privacy, while the poor would be more concerned about the benefits. Trying to address privacy concerns, Aadhaar officials have maintained they collect just basic details, enrollment is voluntary and information is encrypted. Your approval is required to authenticate your identity and while revealing who you are, the system just gives a yes or no response, they say.

Over the last year Aadhaar has picked up steam and observers, who expected the bureaucracy to resist, given its anti-corruption overtone, are mildly surprised. Various government departments are embracing it in competition. Several central ministries, state governments, PSUs have begun to tie their programmes to the Aadhaar number.

Aadhaar officials say they are on course to enroll 600 million by 2014 and by October this year they expect to start enrolling one million numbers a day. The pilot projects at Mysore, Tumkur and Hyderabad have already enrolled 85 per cent of the population and the project is ramping up to other districts and states.

Early last month the Cabinet Committee on Security in a seemingly unrelated move gave partial approval for a Home ministry project, National Intelligence Grid (Natgrid). The development alarmed the privacy advocates to again raise a cry over Aadhaar. Among other things, Natgrid, being run by an ex-army man, Capt Raghu Raman, reportedly seeks to integrate 21 databases - railways, airlines, stock exchanges, income tax, bank account details, credit card transactions, visa and immigration records, telecom service providers and chemical vendors.

Most of us reading this article appear in many these databases, which today are islands of information controlled by different government agencies. They cover different segments of the population and may overlap to some extent. Stitching together these disparate databases together would require a mammoth exercise to uniquely identify all Indian residents. That is precisely what Aadhaar, the missing link, is doing, say critics.

"If Aadhaar ever succeeds in assigning a unique number to all residents, it will take a maximum of two years to create a common Natgrid database. Using a terminal in his office, a cop would be able to watch whatever you do - travelling, talking, buying - in real time. The surveillance technology is pretty straightforward," says noted security expert and IIT Mumbai alumni, Dr Samir Kelekar of Teknotrends.

The system is being designed to catch terrorists and criminals, say Natgrid supporters. "But why subject the entire population to potentially the same level of surveillance," asks Sunil Abraham of Centre for Internet and Society.

Noted jurist Usha Ramanathan says since 2008 several measures such as the Collection of Statistics Act, The Information Technology Act, Aadhaar, National Grid have come about to collect information about people. “After 9/11 in the guise of homeland security USA expanded police powers. Something similar is happening in India after 26/11,” she says.

The claims of Aadhaar benefiting the poor is untested as there has been no feasibility study, she adds. "This is a security project masquerading as an anti-poverty project," says Abraham.

Aadhaar has eluded a debate so far on these issues, say critics. Ramanathan says she made three attempts in November 2009, July 2010 and February 2011 to engage Nilekani, Aadhaar Director General R S Sharma and few other project officials on the issue.

Dubious demands

A New Delhi-based Aadhaar government official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said there was no discussion within the project on the potential risks it posed. "The main focus is in making a paradigm shift in governance and reaching out to the poor to ensure that the Rs 3,26,000 crore being spent on subsidy is not pilfered," he said.

But he went on to acknowledge that Aadhaar was like 'nuclear energy', which could be used to either make bombs or generate electricity. “It is for the media and civil society to apply pressure for the right safeguards," he said.

While the engineers and bureaucrats are steamrolling the project, the laws of the land and the promised safeguards are yet to catch up with it.

Indian judiciary has also given a free hand to the law enforcement authorities to conduct surveillance. According to the latest Google Transparency Report, Indian government officials made 67 requests to remove contentious items from various Google services between July to December 2010. Only 6 requests were backed by court orders and rest were demands made by police and other executive agencies.

Why is Nilekani who has emerged as the face of Aadhaar silent about the security dimension of the project, ask critics. After all, the Infosys credo is to ‘disclose when in doubt’, they point out. "Nilekani and team are good people without any evil intention. They have never lived in villages and believe that technology can solve any problem," says Abraham.

Ramanathan differs. "In 2009, I would have said he was unaware of the possible risks of Aadhaar. I will not attribute that innocence to him anymore. People in power tend to be blinded by it," she says.

"Their response has varied from ‘nobody else is asking these questions’, ‘have not come prepared to address these issues today’ and ‘we will get back to you’," she says.

Critics also accuse Aadhaar officials of presenting a misleading picture. Enrollment started as a voluntary exercise, but is now being made mandatory to get LPG cylinders. "They were supposed to collect only basic details, but Aadhaar enrollment forms now ask for email ids and phone numbers," Ramanathan said.

This news appeared in the Deccan Herald on 5 July 2011. The original post can be read here.

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/aadhaar-truth

Sorry Wrong Number

praskrishna — 2011-07-08T04:11:02Z

The government’s ambitious project to give a unique identification number to every Indian citizen is running woefully behind schedule. T.V. Jayan investigates the problems that beset the project. The news was published in the Telegraph on 3 July 2011.

It was supposed to be a smooth, if mammoth, operation — one where a 12-digit unique identification (UID) or aadhaar number would be provided to every Indian citizen within a specified time frame. Yet less than a year after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and United Progressive Alliance chairperson Sonia Gandhi launched it with much fanfare in Maharashtra’s Nandurbar district, the ambitious project seems mired in problems.

In Nandurbar itself, the pace of implementation has been agonisingly slow. As against the enrolment target of 2.6 lakh people by June end, only 1.17 lakh people have been enrolled so far.

And Nandurbar is just one case in point. In most districts and states, the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), the body that is overseeing the project, is struggling to meet its target. Only three states have crossed the one million mark in providing aadhaar numbers to their citizens. Andhra Pradesh leads the pack with nearly 3.5 million UIDs, followed by Karnataka (1.82 million) and Maharashtra (1.6 million). The total enrolment, according to the UIDAI website, stands at 9.5 million as on June 27. The plan, though, is to provide aadhaar numbers to 600 million people by 2014 — a target that will surely remain way out of reach if the UIDAI continues with its current pace of work.

Forget the debate on whether or not the UID project will compromise a citizen’s right to privacy. Right now, the big issue facing it is that it’s beset with a host of operational problems. “There are issues at all levels — conceptual, technology, logistics and at the implementation stages. Unless we resolve them fast, there could be inordinate delays. The project could even be derailed,” says a senior manager at one of the biggest enrolment agencies empanelled with the UIDAI, on condition of anonymity.

The UID programme works something like this. The UIDAI has appointed a large number of registrars, which are either state or central government departments, or public sector banks and insurance companies. The registrars, in turn, have enlisted the services of private firms to enrol people and collect demographic and biometric data such as their finger prints, iris scans and so on. So far 209 firms have been enlisted as enrolment agencies (EAs). While most of them are information technology firms, stock broking companies, financial service companies and even printing presses have been commissioned to obtain the UID enrolment data.

Once the EAs collect the information, the data packets are sent to the respective registrar to be vetted and thence to the UIDAI’s Central Identities Data Repository (CIDR) in Bangalore. The CIDR checks the data packets for authenticity and makes sure that there has been no duplication of data — in case an individual has been enrolled more than once. When all the processes are cleared, a UID number is generated against the person’s name, which is delivered to him or her by post.

Incidentally, the government is yet to announce the cost of the entire project, although UIDAI director general Ram Sewak Sharma reveals that the cost of generating each aadhaar number would be about Rs 150.

What is also slowing down the project is the process of “de-duplication” of data. UIDAI technology head Srikanth Nadhamuni admits that the biometric service providers who help the CIDR check duplication in biometric records now take a couple of minutes to process a single data packet. As a result, right now the UIDAI can issue fewer than 50,000 aadhaar numbers a day. And yet, it plans to generate one million numbers daily by October this year. To achieve this target the UIDAI should be processing 11 data packets per second during a 24-hour cycle.

UIDAI director general Sharma feels that these are niggling problems that will soon be resolved. “Kindly understand that the world has not seen this scale of de-duplication thus far,” he exclaims. “The IT systems, both hardware and software, are continuously being tuned to scale up to these numbers.”

UIDAI’s chief technology architect Prashant Varma is also optimistic. “These things need not be done sequentially. If we have enough computing power it can be carried out in a parallel manner,” he says, adding that more hardware is on its way to streamline the de-duplication process.

But others hold out a much bleaker view. “The de-duplication algorithm will get slower and slower as the size of the database grows. The authority has also not been transparent about the de-duplication process,” says Sunil Abraham, executive director of the Centre for Internet and Society (CIS), Bangalore.

Enrolment agencies too say that the problem is far more serious than what the UIDAI admits. “Currently, they are processing data packets that we had sent in April,” says the state head of an EA working with the commissioner of civil supplies in Andhra Pradesh.

Again, the fact that the UIDAI is taking an inordinately long time to generate the aadhaar numbers — about three to four months from the time of data collection, in place of a month as originally planned — is creating its own complications. Thanks to the time lag, a citizen who is unsure of his UID status may go to another enrolment agency associated with yet another registrar. So his data is collected again and sent to the CIDR for registration once more. This leads to duplication of data and hence, further increases the de-duplication workload.

What’s more, it also hits the margins of enrolment agencies as the UIDAI pays only once for someone’s data. So any EA that unwittingly collects the personal data of a citizen the second time will not be paid for its pains.

In fact, the EAs are beginning to realise that the work is barely financially viable for them. Having procured the enrolment job through competitive bidding, they are now finding out that the rates are abysmally low. “If one EA quotes a low price, others are asked to match it if they want to work with the same registrar,” says an executive with an EA, who does not wish to reveal his or his agency’s name.

“For instance, a Noida-based firm, which bagged the tender for 200 enrolment stations to be set up in Hyderabad from the commissioner of civil supplies in Andhra Pradesh, had quoted a figure of Rs 23 per enrolment. We all knew this was a ridiculously low amount as an ideal per capita enrolment cost should be between Rs 30 and 35. But others working in the Hyderabad area had no choice but to quote a figure very close to it,” he says.

Then again, because enrolment agencies are paid only after their enrollees have received the UID numbers, and because these numbers are taking months to be generated, the EAs are not getting paid on time. “We are already working on tiny margins. So if the cash flow is tight, we find it difficult to pay salaries to people who work on the ground,” says an enrolment agency official.

Admittedly, while the profitability of an EA need not be the UIDAI’s concern, it certainly needs to check if enrolment is being affected because the EAs are cutting corners to stay within their budgets.

The EAs are also witnessing high attrition rates among enrolment operators. These operators, who have to clear a certification exam before they can enrol people, work for three or four months and leave if some other agency offers them more money, reveals Sudhanva Kimmane of Comat Technologies, a Bangalore-based EA. Since getting a new operator certified takes about 20 to 25 days, the deadline goes for a toss.

Sometimes, the unreasonable demands of state governments also lead to delays. Karnataka, for instance, has asked registrars working in the state to gather information on as many as 19 counts. “Filling out so many additional fields reduces the number of enrolments that an operator can complete in a day and thus makes our targets go awry,” says an EA working in Karnataka.

Experts feel that one of the biggest flaws of the UID project is that it was launched all across the country without trial runs in small areas. “Whether in the private sector or the public sector, if a new project is being undertaken, it is usually tested in a small area before being launched on a large scale,” says an IT expert who has been involved with launching e-governance programmes in Kerala. “This way you suss out the feasibility of the project. Also, it helps to resolve all possible problems that may be encountered during the full roll-out. Why didn’t they first test the UID programme in a district, and then in a state before taking it pan India,” he asks.

With so many problems bedevilling the project, many people are sceptical of its success. Asks R. Ramakumar, associate professor at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, “Will the benefits accruing from the project justify the huge expenses involved?” He points out that a similar project in the UK — that aimed to create a National Identity Register — was scrapped by the government in December. The London School of Economics, which analysed the proposal, found that the cost could end up being 10 times more than what was envisaged. “If the technologies involved are so infallible, why did a few developed countries which tried to use them drop them eventually,” he asks.

Clearly, there are too many uncomfortable questions facing the UIDAI right now. It remains to be seen if it is merely experiencing teething troubles or if India’s zillion-rupee aadhaar number scheme will tie itself into knots even before it gets to the halfway mark.

GLITCHES GALORE

Slipping targets: Only three states have crossed the one million mark in providing aadhaar numbers to their citizens. Total enrolment stands at 9.5 million as on June 27. The goal is to provide aadhaar numbers to 600 million people by 2014.

Slow data crunching: Processing each data packet now takes a couple of minutes. To achieve the target of generating one million UID numbers daily by October this year, the UIDAI should be processing 11 data packets a second during a 24-hour cycle.

Devil is in duplication: Since the UIDAI is taking about three to four months to generate an aadhaar number, a citizen who is unsure of his UID status may go to another enrolment agency. So his data are collected again and sent to the CIDR for registration once more. This increases the de-duplication workload and slows down the entire process even more.

High attrition rates: Enrolment operators, who have to clear a certification exam before they can enrol people, work for three or four months and leave if some other agency offers them more money. Since getting a new operator certified takes about 20 to 25 days, the enrolment agency’s target goes for a toss.

Click here to read the original in the Telegraph

For more details visit http://editors.cis-india.org/news/sorry-wrong-number